Syria’s tableau of sanguinary carnage, which
has flooded neighboring states with nearly 1 million refugees, is the latest
example of how this sectarian conflict can spiral out of control. It also
depicts how the long-standing rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran — at once religious and geo-strategic
— is fueling sectarian tensions as both nations exert influence through proxies
around the region.
A fount of Islamic
civilization, Syria today is ground zero in that rivalry. Iran is giving
critical support to the government, dominated by adherents to an offshoot of
Shia Islam, while Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations are deeply involved in
backing the mostly Sunni rebel fighters.
“Sunnis and Shiites are
fighting over control of the Middle East and... Syria is in the middle of that
struggle,” said Syria expert Joshua Landis, director of the University of
Oklahoma’s Center for Middle East Studies, during a recent public debate in Washington.
Their enmity has sharpened
in recent years because of Iran’s pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability.
Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Arab states fear that this would give Iran a huge
advantage in its ambition to become the region’s dominant Islamic power.
Saudi-Iranian
antagonism also was augmented by the unintended consequences of US policies in
Iraq. Failing to appreciate the depth of sectarian feelings, the US-led push for democratic elections facilitated the rise to power of a
Shia government and the spread of Iranian influence in this key Arab country.
Pro-invasion policy-makers
in Washington “puffed themselves up into believing that religion didn’t matter
anymore in the Middle East,” Landis said in an interview. “They really enabled
the ‘Shia crescent’ to take shape…[by giving] power to the Shia in [an] Arab
country in the Ottoman lands. This was a terrible insult to many Sunnis who had
always believed and always identified Arab nationalism with Sunni Islam.”
Iraq illustrates what
happens “when we operate in the Middle East based on our own conceptions of
what are the issues and who are the players,” said Vali Nasr, an expert on Shia
Islam and Dean of Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. “Our
conceptions become at odds with reality and that proves to be catastrophic. [In
Iraq] we thought it’s all going to be about democracy and dictatorship and our
entire strategy was upended by another axis of conflict that we were completely
taken unawares by.”
Sunni-Shia tensions that go
back 1,400 years are more volatile nowadays in part because they coincide with
widespread anti-American feelings, and a rise in religious conservatism. In
addition, the two sides have access to more lethal weapons than in the past.
They also have adopted more sinister methods for indiscriminately murdering
civilians, including remotely controlled car bombs and suicide missions.
This
lethality is evident in the Shia-Sunni violence in recent months that has
scarred the land stretching from Lebanon’s Mediterranean coast to the mountains
of inland Pakistan, where Sunni extremist attacks on Shia
communities have become endemic. Last month, 84 civilians were killed in the
bombing of a vegetable market in Quetta. In Baghdad on February 28, a series of
bombings in Shia neighborhoods killed 22. In December, clashes between Sunnis
and Alawites, a Shia-related sect dominating the Syrian government, in
Lebanon’s seaside city of Tripoli left 17 dead.
Sectarian conflict “is
going to get worse regardless of how Syria goes in the next several years,”
said a US State Department official in a recent interview. “It is rapidly
becoming the axis around which much of Middle Eastern politics is organizing…
What’s interesting is that the dynamic is becoming important even in some
countries where there aren’t any Shia.”
For example, Egypt’s
minuscule Shia population is hardly a threat. But during Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s recent visit there he was treated to a public
tongue-lashing from clerics at Al Azhar, the renowned center of Sunni learning,
for allegedly trying to spread Shia Islam in Egypt.
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