By Ethar Abdulhaq
(Zaman Al Wasl)- As Afrin military operation continues to form a new scene in the north of Syria with the force of military action, the repercussions of this military process continue to affect the political level of the states and parties, even to militias structured on sectarian grounds.
The operation ordered by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has succeeded in driving a wedge among the most visible militia in its entire sectarian identity, namely the Syrian Resistance militia led by war criminal Ali Kayali (his real name is Mirac Ural), according to Zaman al-Wasl private sources.
Well-informed sources reported that the military action initiated by Turkey against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and its collaborators has led to a clear rift in the opinions and trends between prominent leaders in Ural militia made despite its union in belonging to the Alawite Sect.
The sensitivity of the current rift has increased vertically, and it is based on nationalist ground among the militia
leaders of the Turkish Alevis (or those of Turkish origin) and their Syrian Alawite counterparts. The latter even have become categorized as "Kurds" within the "traitors" and "separatists" demanding their expulsion from Syria and eliminating them following the approach of Bashar al-Assad, and the descriptions he called them.
They are not Syrians
A Syrian Alawite senior leader in the militia has even placed (YPG) and PKK in one basket, unconsciously adopting Ankara’s vision that YPG is only an arm and real follower of PKK in Syria.
Moreover, this senior leader is very influential and sees the regime army entry into Afrin and the extension of its authority (without others) over the region as the best solution, noting that PKK mercenaries are foreigners and not Syrians. They are are mostly Turks in addition to their suspicious relations with outside, so their acceptance is completely incompatible with "Syrian sovereignty."
In contrast, the voices of the Turkish Alawites in the Syrian Resistance militia led by Ural are clearly inclined toward the rescue of PKK and YPG on the pretext that they can talk to PKK and YPG in contrast to the Ottoman occupier as they call it referring to Turkey.
Our sources reveal the name of a prominent leader in the Ural militia who adopts the line of support for the PKK and strongly fights it while attacking the regime slow intervention system of intervention, using of course a cautious and indirect approach in this attack, fearing the repercussions of the whips of Assad intelligence on his head.
The Turkish Alwaite wing in the Ural militia views regarding Afrin operation and the need for public and direct intervention by the regime appear to be proportionate to the historical context of the relationship between the two parties, PKK and the Ural militias and Ural’s relation with Abdullah Ocalan. These relations are based on sectarian and political rivalries, which have become deeply rooted in the Syrian Alawite wing, before Bashar declared his public and clear position on the Kurds calling them traitors.
Based on Bashar's position, the Syrian Alawite wing of Ural changed position, declaring its absolute loyalty to the directives of the "wise leadership" and its commitment to its line on the grounds that any disobedience to the orders of "leadership" opposes the Alawites interest in Syria. It is the approach that they used since Hafez monopolized the sect, and informed its members that the sect’s interest lies where Hafez’s is.
In light of this rift that resulted from the Afrin operation, the statement that the Ural militia rushed to issue a few days ago in response to the operation, in which it confirmed its complete stand with the militias that govern Afrin seems to be a mere ink on paper. Bashar is studing his gains and losses from the operation and is measuring his personal interests before sending orders wrapped in the sect’s interest.
-The relaxation of the sectarian nerve
As for the repercussions of Afrin Operation, the sectarian strife that links the elements of Ural militia with their different nationalities (Syrian and Turkish) tends to relax. If not, they will find themselves again confused between the followers of the "constants" of the sect that only accepts Turkey as an enemy (An Ottoman occupier, a fascist, a Seljuk invader ...), evoking a long history of hatred and a full and literal commitment to the interests of the Assad regime (Hafiz and Bashar) and to follow their orders without discussion. Even those orders and prohibitions are very heavy on them like giving up the "Iskenderun Brigade" which is one of the most important strongholds of the Alawites in the whole East, or bowing to the threats of the Ottoman occupier and its officials before rushing to shake hands with them and accept them with great affection and conclude huge agreements and deals with them, as happened during different phases of the Hafiz and Bashar era.
The Popular Front for the Liberation of Iskenderun Brigade, the Syrian Resistance led by Mirac Ural is the most important sectarian militia invested by the regime to strengthen the Alawite and it continues to recruit them in areas of distribution in both Turkey and Syria. It is one of the most prominent militias used by the regime to defend its strongholds in the coast armed with approach of genocide and sectarian forced displacement, leaving behind a scene full of massacres against the Sunnis, something Ural himself publicly acknowledged and called out when he spoke in a leaked in the Summer of 2013 about Baniyas siege and cleansing. Baniyas is known to be a major Sunni populated city in the Syrian coast.
Zaman Al Wasl
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