Over the last two weeks,
Obama administration officials have signaled - sometimes intentionally,
sometimes not - that a worst-case scenario is emerging in Syria.
Peace
talks are at a virtual standstill. An emboldened President Bashar al-Assad has
missed two deadlines to turn over his deadliest chemical weapons. And radical
extremists who have fought in Syria are carrying out attacks in Egypt and
allegedly aspire to strike the United States as well.
Director
of National Intelligence James R. Clapper told members of Congress last week
that Jabhat al-Nusra, an al-Qaeda aligned group in Syria, “does have
aspirations for attacks on the homeland.” American and Egyptian officials
expressed alarm this week at signs that Egyptians who fought in Syria have
returned home to mount an insurgency.
Critics
of Obama administration policy in Syria argue that none of this should come as
a surprise. For years, they have predicted that Assad and his Iranian and
Russian backers would fight tenaciously; militants would flock to Syria; and
the region would be destabilized by refugee flows, rising sectarianism and
radicalized fighters returning home.
“A
lot of things that the pro-interventionist crowd had argued two years ago have
come to pass,” said Shadi Hamid, a Brookings Institution expert who called for
military intervention in 2012. “The argument was that radicalism will rise.”
It
is impossible to know whether a Libya-like intervention would have ended the
conflict in Syria or exacerbated it. But citing recent statements from
administration officials, Hamid argued that the current American approach is
not working.
In
his testimony last week, Clapper said that American intelligence agencies had
picked up indications of “training complexes” within Syria “to train people to
go back to their countries and conduct terrorist acts, so this is a huge
concern.”
The
retired Air Force general estimated that more than 7,000 foreigners from 50
countries - “many of them from Europe and the Mideast” - are fighting in Syria.
He compared rebel-controlled parts of northern Syria to the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, or FATA, where foreign and local
militants have sheltered since the fall of the Taliban in 2001.
“What’s
going on there may be in some respects a new FATA,” Clapper said. “And the
attraction of these foreign fighters is very, very worrisome.”
In
the past, Clapper has been accused of exaggerating terrorist threats and making
misleading statements about the scope of American surveillance activities. But
Clapper is not the only senior official expressing concern about the rising
militant presence in Syria.
At
a private meeting with members of Congress at the Munich Security Conference
last week, Secretary of State John Kerry said that “the al-Qaeda threat is
real, it is getting out of hand,” Republican U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham later
told reporters. “He openly talked about supporting arming the rebels. He openly
talked about forming a coalition against al-Qaeda because it’s a direct
threat.”
State
Department officials said that Graham and other members of Congress who
disclosed the private meeting distorted Kerry’s statements. They denied that
Kerry raised arming the rebels or described the current policy as a failure.
Noah
Bonsey, a Beirut-based Senior Analyst for the International Crisis Group,
called Kerry’s reported statements “an acknowledgement of the facts.” On the
rebel side of the conflict, al-Qaeda aligned militants have badly damaged the
international reputation of the Syrian opposition. On the government side,
Assad and his backers in Iran and Russia are increasingly confident.
“Geneva
made abundantly clear that the regime is not prepared to compromise on anything
at all, no matter how small,” Bonsey said in a telephone interview, referring
to the peace talks. “They believe themselves to be winning and they perceive
themselves as seeing no real pressure, certainly not from Iran and probably not
from Russia.”
“Someone
else’s civil war”
Steven
A. Cook, a Mideast expert at the Council on Foreign Relations, agreed that
Assad and the militants are both growing stronger. But he defended the
administration’s decision to not intervene in what he called “someone else’s
civil war.” Cook said the best way for Washington to respond to rising
militancy in Syria was through regional allies, not direct American action.
“The
question is how we go about countering them,” Cook said in an email. “I suspect
that we are already doing things with friendly countries - Turkey, Jordan,
others - to counter Nusra without a full-blown intervention in Syria.”
Bonsey
said he too opposed direct American intervention but pointed out that for the
last two years the United States has been trying unsuccessfully to work through
regional allies. Despite scores of joint declarations, the United States,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey all continue to back different rebel groups, a
practice that further atomizes an already fractured Syrian opposition.
“The
first step remains working with the opposition’s regional allies,” he said.
“Providing carrots and sticks that can encourage a move towardpragmatism which
can make them a more effective force.”
Bonsey
said this week’s announcement that Obama will visit Saudi Arabia in March could
be a step toward a more unified effort. But Hamid said the Obama administration
has little credibility after drawing “red lines” for Assad but failing to
enforce them.
A
central question - the central question - regarding Syria remains in dispute in
Washington, experts said. Does Syria now represent a direct national security
threat to the United States? Hamid, who called for intervention in the past,
said it does.
“They’re
saying now that fighters are going to be trained in Syria and come back to the
U.S.,” he said. “We can’t pretend that it doesn’t have an impact on American
national security interests.”
Cook
and Bonsey agree the threat is rising but say the administration must first
develop a coherent approach to Syria with its regional allies. Public opinion
polls in the United States continue to show sweeping opposition to greater
American involvement, including arming more moderate rebels.
Experts say only one scenario could change Washington’s stance: Syria-based militants somehow strike the American homeland. Until that occurs, no level of carnage in Syria, Egypt or the Middle East is likely to change Washington’s political calculus. David Rohde, Reuters
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