(Reuters) - As President Barack Obama knits together an international coalition to take its campaign against Islamic State from Iraq into Syria, fighters like Ammar al-Wawi could make the difference. If he had the chance, he says. He
fears that restrictions on the kind of weapons he’ll receive and the
training he’ll get under a $500 million White House proposal to arm
moderate Syrian rebels will make his job impossible. “We
don’t really need more training. And we have enough soldiers. What we
need are quality weapons,” said Wawi, a commander in the Free Syrian
Army, a loose collection of moderate rebels fighting both the Islamic
State and Syrian government forces. “We
need anti-aircraft weapons. We need anti-tank weapons. If we don’t get
those, we can’t win, no matter what the United States does.” Under
the current legislation in Congress, Wawi is unlikely to get what he
wants, highlighting a dilemma for Obama after he authorized last week
U.S. air strikes for the first time in Syria and more attacks in Iraq in a broad escalation of a campaign against the Islamic State militants who have seized a third of both countries. A
significant part of Obama’s plan hinges on congressional approval of
$500 million to train and equip Free Syrian Army rebels to “strengthen
the opposition as the best counterweight to the extremists,” as Obama
put it on Wednesday, and to prevent U.S. troops from “being dragged into
another ground war”. But
the administration has resisted providing powerful weapons requested by
the rebels such as surface-to-air missiles due to fears they could be
captured or used against America or its allies. Those concerns have been
amplified since the downing of the Malaysia Airlines passenger jet over restive, rebel-held eastern Ukraine in July. The
$500 million plan, announced in June a month after Obama said he would
work with Congress to ramp up support to the moderate Syrian opposition,
was initially limited to training about a 3,000-man force over an
18-month period and then slowly expanding those numbers. It
reflected the priorities of a president reluctant to get entrenched in
another Middle East conflict. It was intended to build on a covert
CIA-led effort that was based mostly out of Jordan and would be run by
the Department of Defense. Each rebel would need to be vetted by U.S.
officials to screen out hardline Islamists, a time-consuming process
that would further limit how many fighters could go through the
training. The goal, say
officials and former officials briefed on the original proposal, was not
to empower the rebels to prevail in their two-pronged battle against
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s forces on one side and Islamic State
militants on the other, but to enable them to hold ground they already
have. “From what we know,
that was all just about keeping the war going, giving us just enough to
keep the fighting going, but not enough to win,” said Wawi. In
Washington, some say it’s not just a matter of weapons. They contend
that while rebels could provide crucial intelligence for any U.S. air
assault, they are too undisciplined a force to be taken seriously, a
rag-tag army of disconnected militias responsible for too many
neighborhoods. Some say it could be difficult, if not impossible, to build the fledgling FSA into credible ground force. “I
simply don't think there is much raw material there,” said Richard
Haass, a former senior State Department official involved in
preparations for the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. “It
is divided. It is weak. Any effort to build it up would take years, and
I don't think we'd have much to show for it,” said Haass, currently
president of the Council on Foreign Relations. EXPANDING REBEL TRAINING The “train-and-equip” program, however, is supposed to change that. A
senior U.S. official traveling with Kerry said it was raised in talks
with Gulf Arab foreign ministers at a meeting in the Saudi Arabian
summer capital of Jeddah on Sept. 11, though it was not “the focus of
the conversation”. “It’s
also been the subject of ongoing discussions between U.S. officials and
their counterparts in various countries in the region over a period of
weeks and even months,” said the official, requesting anonymity. “We see
this as a facet, as a component of the overall holistic anti-ISIL
campaign,” the official added, using another of Islamic State's
acronyms. Saudi Arabia
has offered to host a U.S.-run training facility for the rebels, say
U.S. officials. Lisa Monaco, Obama’s White House counter terrorism
adviser, clinched the agreement on a visit to the desert kingdom last
week, a U.S. official told reporters in Washington, calling it a crucial
component of the president’s new strategy. The
facility is expected to be able to handle as many as 10,000 fighters,
but details are still being worked out, including how long it would take
to vet so many fighters and how much that would cost, say U.S.
officials. More than 5,000 Syrian fighters are expected to be trained in
Saudi Arabia in the first year, according the Pentagon. A
senior State Department official said on Sunday countries other than
Saudi Arabia agreed to host training but declined to identify which
ones. Jordan has been
considered a top choice due its close security relationship with
Washington, proximity to neighboring Syria and pool of more than 600,000
Syrian refugees. But Jordan, like other Gulf Arab countries, has
expressed fears of violent retaliation if its territory is used for
overt training. BARREL BOMBS Wawi,
an intelligence officer in the Syrian army before joining the rebels in
August 2012, says he believes Syria’s government tacitly supports
Islamic State fighters, or at least exploits them to undermine or
fragment the opposition. “When
we fight Daash, the Syrian regime hits us with air strikes. They drop
barrel bombs,” he said, calling Islamic State by an Arabic acronym. Fred
Hof, a former State Department official involved in formulating Syria
policy before he joined the Atlantic Council think tank in 2012, said
the presence of Islamic State was “promoted almost deliberately by Assad
as he has sought over the past three years to try to change the nature
of the opposition to his regime.” Diplomats
said Assad helped the rise of Islamic State by releasing from his jails
its most dangerous leaders. Those leaders set up links with other
radical leaders in Iraq and waged a ferocious military campaign against
other rebel groups. Assad’s strategy, they say, was to reinforce his narrative that his rule was facing an al-Qaeda style terrorism. U.S.
military officials have privately expressed reluctance to equipping the
rebels with surface-to-air missiles, concerned such weapons could
undercut the U.S. aerial advantage if they fall into the hands of
Islamic State. However, they said there is support within the Pentagon
for supplying the rebels with weapons beyond small arms and ammunition,
including battlefield artillery, anti-tank rockets and mortars. It
is unclear, however, if more American weapons and training can shift
the battlefield balance toward the U.S.-backed rebels, who are badly
outgunned by Islamic State, other militant groups and Assad's forces. Wawi
is skeptical of American training. He went through it, he said, in
Qatar for 15 days in July last year. “They only taught me how to use
Russian weapons like Kalashnikov rifles,” he said. “I didn’t find it
very useful.” That could
change. David Schenker, a former Pentagon adviser on Syria during
President George W. Bush’s administration, said the United States may
decide to offer anti-tank guns. Such weapons would require more
sophisticated training. Hof and others, however, say it’s unclear if
such expanded training could be covered by $500 million. "This
$500 million, even it were appropriated tomorrow, or after tomorrow, it
is not in the greater scheme of things a whole lot of money. And the
appetite for the American taxpayer and the American Congress to get
deeply into this in terms of monetary commitments, that appetite is
under control,” said Hof. "This
is where some of our partners who do have resources readily available —
Saudis, Qataris, Kuwaitis, Emirates — this in part is where they come
in." Wawi, a balding 37
year old, looks a decade beyond his age. He joined the rebels after
witnessing brutal government crackdowns over 2011 on anti-government
protesters, including thousands in his home town of Jabal al Zawyeh. A
regular presence on YouTube and Arabic-language TV, Wawi was in Saudi
Arabia seeking talks with Saudi leaders, he said. He describes himself
as the secretary-general of the Free Syrian Army, though his exact
position in the leadership is unclear. Speaking
to Reuters over dinner in Jeddah, he says the biggest threat facing the
rebels are barrel bombs, which have been dropped by the army on densely
populated neighborhoods in defiance of a U.N. Security Council
resolution banning the indiscriminate and deadly explosives. “The
biggest enemy we have right now is the air force that is killing
civilians, that is dropping the barrel bombs. We need to stop this. We
need strategic weapons that can save us from these,” he said.
Syria's 'moderate' rebels say they need weapons, not training
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Zaman Al Wasl
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