The call by Ahmed Muwaffaq Zidan, media advisor to Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, for the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria to dissolve itself has sparked widespread controversy among Syrians, particularly Islamists, given the timing of the call, its implications, and the messages it conveys.
In addition, calls for dissolution have been met with increasing frequency recently from both within and outside the group. There have also been demands for a comprehensive review of the previous period, which has sparked divisions within its ranks and led to the withdrawal of several Brotherhood leaders from the organization, most notably Mulham al-Droubi.
Timing and Grounds
The basis upon which the call for a solution was based was the sacrifice of the organizational structure of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria for the sake of the new state project and the policies pursued by its leadership. The group's adherence to its current organizational form was considered detrimental to the country's interests and isolated from the new Syrian situation. "The Brotherhood's insistence on remaining outside the fold, with statements here and there hinting at their dissatisfaction with the situation, is deepening the rift and gap with the street that supports the government," the statement added.
There were other justifications related to its distance from Syrian society, given that its members were forced to flee Syria since the 1980s.
However, there are several reasons and considerations behind Zidan's call, the most important of which are:
First, Zidan's call to dissolve the group came at a specific time, just weeks after his appointment to his official advisory position. This gives it the character of a clear political message from the new Syrian government to the Brotherhood not to resume operations within Syria during the transitional period, which requires everyone to stand with the new leadership for the country's recovery and reconstruction of what was destroyed by the former Assad regime.
Second, the call aligns with the new government's efforts to dissolve all political and military parties and formations, in line with the announcement by 18 military factions that they would dissolve themselves, including Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, by the end of December 2024 and join the Ministry of Defense.
In addition, the constitution was suspended, the People's Assembly was dissolved, and the Ba'ath Party was dissolved. The National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces and the Syrian Islamic Council were subsequently dissolved.
Third: The new Syrian government seeks to gain Arab and Gulf support by banning the banned group's activities in several of those countries. Some believe that preventing the Muslim Brotherhood from operating in Syria is one of the conditions set by some Gulf states in exchange for their support and embrace of the new government.
Fourth: The call for dissolution can be viewed as a response to the statement issued by the group's Shura Council on August 7, which affirmed that dissolution was not an option and that it "will remain, as the Syrian people have known it, a national Syrian group, independent in its decision-making, adhering to its moderate Islamic approach." However, it has not yet made a decision to return to work inside Syria, and its return is now postponed and will not occur in the foreseeable future.
The statement by the group's Shura Council affirmed its supportive, sincere, and faithful stance, keen to ensure the success of the process of building a modern civil state with an Islamic frame of reference. It also affirmed that it will always strive to achieve reconciliation and close the gaps, ensuring the success of the revolution and its principles in building our nascent state.
However, he considered that "stability can be achieved by effectively involving all Syrian components in the development and building of the state within a pluralistic political program. The Syrian parties' sense and reassurance that the state—after the transitional period—will be built on participatory, representative foundations and free, pluralistic parliamentary elections is an important factor in establishing stability."
The statement can be considered a response to calls from some within the group itself to dissolve it or change its name and organization. However, Zidan's call does not fall within the scope of the call issued by the Brotherhood, where he used to live as a former member. This is despite his adoption of an approach that presented other experiences of the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups in which national interests were prioritized over partisan and organizational interests, as happened with the Muslim Brotherhood itself during the period of Syria's union with Egypt in 1958.
The Muslim Brotherhood also dissolved itself in Iraq and Qatar, and changed its name and organization in Morocco. This is in addition to the experiences of Hassan al-Turabi in Sudan, Rashid al-Ghannouchi in Tunisia, and the "Islamic Action Front" in Jordan, among others.
However, the question is: Will the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria respond to calls to dissolve itself?
The Brotherhood's Path
The Brotherhood's history indicates a winding path since its inception, marked by fluctuations, challenges, and numerous transformations in its positions and propositions. Recently, a number of questions have been raised regarding the Brotherhood's future and its fate in the coming period, now that it has been banned in most Arab countries.
The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria has a rich history of events and twists and turns, which have marked its journey since its founding by Mustafa al-Siba'i in 1954, following the merger of several charitable organizations with social programs, focusing on education and health services in major Syrian cities.
It achieved relative political success, winning a few seats in the Syrian Parliament between 1946 and 1958. It dissolved itself during the period of Syrian-Egyptian unity, but it reappeared after the secession from Egypt. It was banned by the leaders of the Ba'ath Party coup, who seized power in Syria in 1963.
Deviating from the position of the Brotherhood's leadership, Marwan Hadid led the first armed rebellion against the oppressive Ba'ath regime in 1976, when he founded the "Mohammad Brigades." In the late 1970s, the "Fighting Vanguard" was formed, leading a rebellion against the authoritarian regime of Hafez al-Assad. Assad responded by issuing Decree No. 49 in 1980, which stipulated the execution of any member of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Assad regime committed horrific massacres in the cities of Hama and Aleppo. The Brotherhood then attempted to negotiate with the regime after Bashar al-Assad inherited power, but the regime refused to lift the ban and maintained Law 49.
The Muslim Brotherhood undertook revisions, culminating in the issuance of the "Draft National Charter of Honor for Political Action in Syria" in 2001, which affirmed its commitment to national dialogue and democratic political tools as a means of action, and its rejection of acts of violence.
The Brotherhood then issued the "Political Project for the Future of Syria" in 2003, presenting its vision for the state and institutions, national challenges, and paths to political and economic reform.
In 2005, the group joined the Damascus Declaration for Democratic Change, which united the Syrian opposition against the Assad regime. However, it soon joined the National Salvation Front, led by Abdul Halim Khaddam, Bashar al-Assad's deputy, after his defection in 2006. It later withdrew from the Front for the Protection of Civilians, led by Turkish politicians at the time.
The Muslim Brotherhood revived after the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in mid-March 2011 and played a significant role in Syrian opposition formations, including the Syrian National Council, formed in early August 2011, the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces in 2012, and the Syrian Negotiations Commission.
The Muslim Brotherhood also contributed to military action, announcing the establishment of a military group called the Revolutionary Council Shields or the Revolutionary Shields Commission, to protect civilians. It also supported several opposition military factions.
Opening Windows
The Syrian revolution provided an opportunity for the Muslim Brotherhood to play a major role within the ranks of the political and military opposition. However, it remained mired in disagreements and conflicts with other opposition forces, paralyzing the opposition formations for many reasons.
As a result, it was unable to achieve the slogans it had been raising and was surprised by the dramatic change and rapid progress achieved by the "Deterrence of Aggression" factions, led by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, which led to the overthrow of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024.
There is no indication that the Muslim Brotherhood will dissolve itself in the foreseeable future, despite its weak ties to the Syrian interior and the new government's efforts to control the levers of government, away from political parties and forces.
Although the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces and its affiliates dissolved themselves, this was because they were formed under specific circumstances and for a purpose that ended with the fall of the Assad regime. The same applies to the Syrian Islamic Council, but the case of political parties differs. Most of these parties were formed before the Assad regime and are deeply rooted in Syrian society. Therefore, their dissolution would deprive Syrians of an important window for organization and expression.
Perhaps, after the fall of the Assad regime, more opportunities should be opened for all Syrians, rather than leaving them trapped behind the doors of closed-off sectarian groups.
The new government argues that the transitional phase requires harmony in leadership and unity of ranks. Therefore, it is working to dissolve military formations and seek to dissolve political parties.
While this argument has merit on the military level, as it requires unifying and restricting arms to the state, preventing the continued spread of weapons, in line with the state's right to monopolize the means of violence, it differs significantly on the political level, as there is nothing preventing Syrians from participating in political life under a new party law.
The state is supposed to protect political rights, which enable citizens to participate in the political and civil life of society and the state, without coercion, fear, or discrimination, and guarantee their right to vote and join political parties.
Political life contributes to strengthening the country's unity and encourages people to express their aspirations and ambitions. Most importantly, it ensures their participation in building their country's future, especially since political activity is peaceful in nature. Political parties and movements rely on presenting their programs and visions that seek to address the interests and concerns of the people. Their political work elevates individual affiliation to the civil level, transcending all pre-civil affiliations.
Syrians have the right to form parties to express their political views. They should not be viewed as regional, ethnic, or sectarian entities, but as political entities as well.
Perhaps it is the state's duty to guarantee all forms of expression and to regulate political life and public freedoms in accordance with the law, in order to realize the notion that Syria is a state of law, as President al-Sharaa himself has stated on more than one occasion.
By Omar Kush
Al Jazeera, Omar Kush
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