By Bushra al-Maqrari
(al-Araby al-Jadeed)- Yemeni
optimism was short-lived after President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi escaped house
arrest in Sanaa and travelled to Aden. Hadi's actions shook up the political
scene stagnant since the Houthi takeover in September. The positive
atmosphere, however, has been destroyed by new political nightmares
appearing on the horizon.
These nightmares will pave the way for a new political and geographical map of
Yemen. This map will be the result of the stupidity of gamblers who are
putting the country at risk, not of the millions of sacrifices made by Yemenis
in their different revolutions over the past few decades.
Contrary to the hopes of Yemenis for some respite from the political storms
ruining their lives, the Houthi position is caused by the group's
fundamentalist belief in "martyrdom and selection", even if that
means burning the whole country and themselves in the process.
During the siege of Hadi's house, the Houthi mmovement refused all
political efforts to save the country from its current crisis. However, since
his escape, the group's political thuggery has become more prominent. It has
refused to read the new political realities and deal with them logically to
prevent futile wars and conflicts.
Therefore, the group has continued its policy of dividing the country and
leading it towards economic failure. The Houthis are pushing Yemen on this
course by escalating the situation on the ground in preparation for a possible
confrontation with Hadi, and by exacerbating political divisions that are
driving a growing political, geographical and sectarian wedge between the de
facto authority they have imposed in Sanaa and Hadi's shaken authority in Aden.
Having sabotaged the political process, the Houthis have tried to increase
their influence over military and security institutions over the past few
days. It is a pattern that was seen during the time of former President
Ali Abdullah Saleh's Congress party and the Islamist al-Islah party.
The Houthi movement has also tried to restructure these
institutions so that they serve the group's interests. They have
replaced military and security leaders with people loyal to the group, and
included their armed popular committees in the armed and security forces.
Furthermore, Houthi militias in coordination with former president Saleh,
have solidified their partial control of the strategic city of al-Bayda by
controlling its military bases as part of a plan to control the north of the
country and use it as a launch pad to the south.
The group also took control of the coastal defence brigade in the city of
al-Hadida after intense fighting caused numerous causalities and led to the
seizure of the headquarters of the Special Forces in al-Subaha military base.
This falls under the jurisdiction of the republican guards and its former
commander Ahmed Ali Abdullah Saleh, eldest son of the former president.
Therefore, pro-Saleh media nothwithstanding, it looks likely that the Houthis
will continue to use military force in the coming period and in
cooperation with Saleh.
The media denials can only be understood as an attempt to deflect pressure
after international sanctions and threats to freeze Saleh's recently revealed
wealth. In my opinion, the complexities of the current political scene do not
differ from those of the military scene, which favours an alliance between the
Houthis and Saleh. It is highly likely the next play made by political forces
may be a military one.
On the other side of the disjointed political spectrum, president Hadi is
trying to form a parallel political and military bloc that will solidify his
political legitimacy, on the one hand, and increase the Houthis' political
isolation on the other, especially as the regional and international context
has shifted in his favour.
However, Hadi does not seem to have a cohesive political front. The honeymoon
with the southern Hirak secessionist movement could end at any time.
This may be caused by a political escalation on the ground, or because of
the interference of regional powers using the Hirak to achieve their own
interests.
Furthermore, Hadi's military backing seems to be limited to popular committees
in the city of Aden. He does not seem to have learned from his past political
errors. His recent statements affirm he continues to insist on imposing
federalism and the proposed draft constitution on the country. This has
happened despite the reservations of many political forces.
Yemen therefore is in a difficult position, crushed between the rock of
Hadi and the international community, and the hard place of the Houthis, both
of which deny the people the right to determine their country’s future.
Between the threats of alienation, counter alienation, the use of force,
legitimacy and foreign intervention, we are approaching a new chapter in the
confrontation between a fundamentalist group and a president that wants to
regain his stature.
It seems the battle will be carried out over military and security
institutions. Controlling them is the decisive factor in this battle. However
in the end, the only losers will be the Yemeni people who are already exhausted
by this expensive political show.
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