On this day, June 29, 1979, the Syrian regime decided to write its own constitution in blood. The executions that took place were not merely judicial "rulings," but rather a brutal "social engineering" initiated by Hafez al-Assad to transform Syria from a state governed by institutions into a "security farm" ruled by absolute loyalty.

The constellation that was meant to disappear

The list of those executed that day included an elite that represented the aspirations of Syrian society with professionalism and knowledge:

Dr. Hussein Khallouf, Dr. Mustafa al-Awaj, Engineer Abdul Aziz al-Sheikh, Engineer Riad Saif al-Din Jaamour, along with a group of young people: Mustafa Hamsho, Safwan Adi, Omar Wajih Alwani, Mahdi Wajih Alwani, Khaled Muhammad Alwani, Hassan Salameh, Issam Aqla, Abdul Qader Faour, Muhammad Saeed al-Hamsh, Muhammad Marwan Dabbah al-Baqar, Muhammad Mujahid Dabbah al-Baqar, and Mus'af al-Sheikh Ibrahim.

Their execution was no accident; it was a preemptive elimination of any independent mind that might consider questioning the regime.

The Role of Hafez al-Assad

If we want to find the primary culprit, we must turn to Hafez al-Assad. His role was not merely "crisis management" after the events at the Artillery School in Aleppo. He was the "architect" who replaced the law with "field courts," creating a parallel system that circumvented the civil judiciary. In this system, security agencies issued and carried out death sentences, with presidential "signature" providing legal cover for the liquidation process. Loyalty became the sole criterion for survival. Assad realized that skilled professionals (doctors and engineers) could not be easily "tamed," so he decided the cheapest solution was to eliminate them, paving the way for a new generation of "loyalists" who possessed nothing but unquestioning obedience. Through this massacre, Assad sought to instill in the Syrian consciousness that the state was a "security entity" beyond question, and that any attempt at independent decision-making or thought was "high treason" punishable by death.

That year, Assad held the following official and party positions:

• President of the Republic: Officially held the presidency from 1971 until his death in 2000. Secretary-General of the Ba'ath Party: Led the ruling party (both the national and regional leaderships) and directed the state's general policies. Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Armed Forces: Assumed supreme military command of the Syrian Army.

Zaman al-Wasl

On this day, June 29, 1979, the Syrian regime decided to write its own constitution in blood. The executions that took place were not merely judicial "rulings," but rather a brutal "social engineering" initiated by Hafez al-Assad to transform Syria from a state governed by institutions into a "security farm" ruled by absolute loyalty.

The constellation that was meant to disappear

The list of those executed that day included an elite that represented the aspirations of Syrian society with professionalism and knowledge:

Dr. Hussein Khallouf, Dr. Mustafa al-Awaj, Engineer Abdul Aziz al-Sheikh, Engineer Riad Saif al-Din Jaamour, along with a group of young people: Mustafa Hamsho, Safwan Adi, Omar Wajih Alwani, Mahdi Wajih Alwani, Khaled Muhammad Alwani, Hassan Salameh, Issam Aqla, Abdul Qader Faour, Muhammad Saeed al-Hamsh, Muhammad Marwan Dabbah al-Baqar, Muhammad Mujahid Dabbah al-Baqar, and Mus'af al-Sheikh Ibrahim.

Their execution was no accident; it was a preemptive elimination of any independent mind that might consider questioning the regime.

The Role of Hafez al-Assad

If we want to find the primary culprit, we must turn to Hafez al-Assad. His role was not merely "crisis management" after the events at the Artillery School in Aleppo. He was the "architect" who replaced the law with "field courts," creating a parallel system that circumvented the civil judiciary. In this system, security agencies issued and carried out death sentences, with presidential "signature" providing legal cover for the liquidation process. Loyalty became the sole criterion for survival. Assad realized that skilled professionals (doctors and engineers) could not be easily "tamed," so he decided the cheapest solution was to eliminate them, paving the way for a new generation of "loyalists" who possessed nothing but unquestioning obedience. Through this massacre, Assad sought to instill in the Syrian consciousness that the state was a "security entity" beyond question, and that any attempt at independent decision-making or thought was "high treason" punishable by death.

That year, Assad held the following official and party positions:

• President of the Republic: Officially held the presidency from 1971 until his death in 2000. Secretary-General of the Ba'ath Party: Led the ruling party (both the national and regional leaderships) and directed the state's general policies. Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Armed Forces: Assumed supreme military command of the Syrian Army.

Zaman al-Wasl

A former nurse revealed that officers and doctors gave direct orders to nurses to stab wounded Syrian revolutionaries to death as soon as they arrived at the emergency room of Homs Military Hospital in 2012.

Nurse Hamed Satouf gave firsthand testimony about the systematic killings that took place inside the hospital, which was under the control of the former regime.

Satouf said that Colonel Haitham Othman, Colonel Ali Abdullah, and Dr. Samir Mahmoud directly oversaw these operations through regular meetings with the nursing staff in the emergency room.

Satouf confirmed that the nurses received clear instructions to end the life of every wounded person as soon as the ambulance door was opened.

The nurses carried out mass fatal stabbings of the wounded immediately upon their arrival at the hospital. The nursing staff used scalpels and sharp surgical instruments to perform the immediate stabbings within the hospital grounds.

This testimony sheds light on the procedures followed within military medical institutions during that period, and it is part of a broader documentation of the military hospital's records.

Syrian security forces arrested Major General Ali Younes, the former head of Branch 293, and began investigating him on charges of financial corruption and security abuses.

Younes held several leadership positions within the security apparatus of the former regime, most notably as deputy head of the Military Intelligence Directorate and head of the security committee in Homs Governorate until 2013.

Branch 293, known as the "Officers' Affairs" branch, was a key chapter in his security career due to its sensitive nature, which involved monitoring and interrogating army officers.

After retiring from military airfield service and carrying out bombings of civilian-populated cities and massacres, Jaiz al-Mousa was rewarded by Bashar al-Assad with the position of governor of Hasakah for several years.

Al-Mousa is considered one of the most controversial figures during the years of the Syrian revolution due to the numerous accusations surrounding his tenure as governor, including financial corruption and the extensive network of political and military connections that surrounded him.

According to private sources and testimonies from residents of the region, al-Mousa's influence extended far beyond his administrative post. His power permeated the agricultural, grain, fuel, municipal, electricity, and water sectors, and even some economic and service institutions, making him one of the most prominent power centers in the province at the time.

His name was also linked to close ties with influential figures in the SDF militia, such as Mazloum Abdi, Ali Sher (the SDF's oil official), Sipan Hamo, and others. This afforded him considerable room to maneuver, make deals, and exploit the chaos and division that plagued Hasakah during the years of war.

Local accusations point to his involvement in resource exploitation, particularly in the fuel sector. There are reports of large quantities of diesel, gasoline, and gas being transported outside Hasakah to his associates in Hama and Damascus, where they would sell the fuel at exorbitant prices while residents suffered from severe fuel shortages and soaring prices.

Private sources also report a significant increase in his wealth during his tenure, amid accusations of profiting from oil, grain, aid, and public services. Furthermore, there are allegations that he was bought off by the SDF militia to ensure continued coordination and shared interests.

Many residents of Hasakah believe his administration exemplified a clear alliance of security, economic, and political influence. According to locals, state institutions became tools to serve networks of vested interests rather than the citizens, while the province suffered from poverty, deteriorating services, and a series of economic crises.

Despite the numerous accusations against him, most of these cases may not be investigated following his arrest. Residents of Hasakah are demanding genuine accountability for the figures who managed the Syrian scene during the years of war.

Ahmed Al-Obeid - Zaman Al-Wasl

Daraa, May 13 (SANA) Israeli occupation forces detained a Syrian man for several hours during a raid on the village of Ma’riya in the Yarmouk Basin area of western Daraa province on Wednesday.

SANA’s reporter in Daraa said Israeli troops entered the western side of the village, stormed a house and took a young man into custody before releasing him several hours later.

The raid came amid heightened military activity in the area, including drone overflights that have increased tensions among residents.

The reporter added that Israeli forces shelled overnight the areas between the towns of Abdeen and Ma’riya in western Daraa province.

In a separate incident in neighboring Quneitra province, Israeli forces briefly entered the village of Saida al-Golan on Wednesday morning, searching several homes before withdrawing, according to state media.

Israel has continued violations of the 1974 Disengagement Agreement through military incursions into southern Syria, as well as raids, arrests and land bulldozing operations affecting local residents.

Syria has repeatedly called for Israel’s withdrawal from its territory, stating that all measures taken by Israeli forces in southern Syria are “null and void” under international law and carry no legal effect. Damascus has also urged the international community to assume its responsibilities, halt Israeli actions and press for a full withdrawal from southern Syria.

Informed sources revealed that Lieutenant Colonel Bassam Hamidan Arsan, a prominent leader in the auxiliary militias, arrived in the Netherlands several months ago from Erbil and is currently residing in Rotterdam.

Arsan hails from the town of Al-Muhassan in the Deir ez-Zor countryside. He is the son of Major General Hamidan Arsan, head of the Tribal Affairs Bureau within the National Security Bureau, which is affiliated with Ali Mamlouk.

Military Record and Early Violations

Bassam Arsan's name first came to prominence in early 2012 when he was serving as a first lieutenant in the Damascus countryside. Testimonies confirm that he was among the first officers to issue direct orders to shell residential areas in the cities of Douma and Harasta using tanks to suppress peaceful demonstrations at the time.

Militia Leadership and Control of Roads

Arsan later rose to occupy sensitive leadership positions, most notably:

- Commander of the National Defense Forces militia in Hasakah: where he oversaw military operations and recruitment for the auxiliary groups.

- The official in charge of the "Athriya" checkpoints: He oversaw the vital road leading to Raqqa, an area notorious for widespread violations against civilians and travelers.

Leaving and Reaching Europe

After years of fieldwork and close ties to the Assad regime's security apparatus through his father's influence in the National Security Bureau, Al-Arsan left for Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan. From there, he successfully reached the Netherlands, raising legal questions about how he bypassed European security checks.

Damascus, April 24 (SANA) Amjad Youssef, a former first warrant officer in Branch 227 (the “Region Branch”) of the Military Intelligence Directorate of the deposed regime, has been identified by Syrian authorities as a central figure implicated in the 16 April 2013 Tadamon massacre in Damascus.

The Syrian Interior Ministry said Youssef was arrested in a carefully planned security operation carried out in the al-Ghab Plain in the countryside of Hama, following several days of surveillance and tracking.

According to the ministry, earlier arrests in the same case included individuals who admitted involvement in a series of killings in the Tadamon neighborhood, which resulted in the deaths of more than 500 people, along with looting and property theft.

Youssef came under international scrutiny following an investigation published by The Guardian in April 2022, which was the first major global media outlet to publicly identify him. The investigation was based on leaked video footage dating back to April 16, 2013.

The footage shows armed men in military uniform, identified in the investigation as Youssef and others, forcing blindfolded and bound civilians to run before opening fire and disposing of bodies in a mass grave.

The video documented the execution of 41 men before their bodies were burned, and has since been widely cited as one of the most significant pieces of visual evidence linked to alleged mass executions agians civilians in the area.

At the time of the incident, Youssef was responsible for the neighborhood and has been linked to multiple alleged violations against civilians.

Residents of Tadamon have documented 288 victims from the massacre, which has been described in international reporting as part of broader allegations of mass killings and mass graves uncovered in the district.

The video and subsequent investigations have been widely referenced in global media coverage as key evidence in discussions surrounding alleged war crimes committed by the deposed regime agaianst the Syrian people throughout the years of the revolution.

Rafiq Nassim al-Qatrib, 58, the former head of the interrogation department in the National Defense Forces militia in Salamiyah, confessed to raping women in his bedroom at the detention center during 2013 and 2014. The secret document, issued by the former regime and dated April 7, 2014, reveals that al-Qatrib exploited his position to extort money from the families of detainees, receiving sums reaching 300,000 Syrian pounds in exchange for promises of their release.

The Dutch judiciary is facing "Rafiq A."

The Dutch judiciary is currently trying al-Qatrib under the name "Rafiq A." on charges including torture and crimes against humanity. The significance of the leaked document lies in its being an indictment from within the very structure of the former regime itself. It documents the names of the victims as irrefutable material evidence for international investigators.

"The detainee explicitly confessed to raping female detainees in his bedroom at the center and accepting bribes." — Excerpt from National Defense Command document No. 630/A.

A History of Abuses

Al-Qatrib hails from the city of Salamiyah in the Hama countryside. He led the investigations within the militia formed by the former regime to carry out "dirty work" and field abuses. Despite the regime's attempt at the time to contain his scandals by releasing him, his arrival in Europe opened the door to international accountability under universal jurisdiction.

The Dutch court continues to hear testimonies from survivors and link them to the leaked documents to ensure that officials of the former regime's security centers do not escape punishment. Zaman al-Wasl was the first to reveal his arrival in Europe years ago.

Recent investigative reports have revealed that Bisher al-Yaziji, the former commander of the "National Defense Forces - Lions of the Valley" militia (Wadi al-Nasara), is residing in Quebec, Canada, years after leading bloody military and security operations in the western Homs countryside.

The Black File: Violations by the "Lions of the Valley"

Testimonies and collected documents indicate al-Yaziji's involvement, a native of the village of Marmarita, in a series of crimes classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity, most notably:

- The "Green Hotel" Massacre (2014): Al-Yaziji is the prime suspect in the disappearance of more than 120 civilians (including women and children) who vanished without a trace after being detained in the hotel near the Monastery of St. George, in coordination with intelligence agencies.

- The Siege and Bombardment of Krak des Chevaliers: He led systematic military operations against the neighborhoods of Krak des Chevaliers and used places of worship in the valley area as launching pads for artillery shells.

- Kidnapping and Assassination: He managed a network of "Shabiha" (pro-regime militia) who carried out kidnappings for ransom and targeted civilians in neighboring villages with sniper fire.

The Journey of Disguise: From Military Uniform to Quebec

With the fall of Assad, Yazigi fled through Lebanon and then Dubai, eventually reaching Canada. Recent photos circulating online show Yazigi in front of the historic Fairmont Le Château Frontenac hotel in Canada, attempting to integrate with a new identity or altered appearance, believing that geographical distance would grant him immunity from prosecution.

Legal Note: Canadian law, specifically the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act (CAHW Act), stipulates that authorities are obligated to prosecute those involved in international violations, especially if it is proven that misleading information was provided during immigration or asylum applications.

A Call for Human Rights and Legal Action

Based on the above, activists and victims (foremost among them the author of this report) urgently appeal to:

- The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP): to open an immediate investigation into Yazigi's record and compare his current photographs with his military archive.

- Human rights organizations: to activate the principle of "universal jurisdiction" to ensure he does not escape punishment.

- Witnesses and victims: to unite and provide firsthand accounts before the Canadian judiciary to strengthen the case for criminal prosecution.

Khaled Al-Hosni 

Saydnaya Military Prison is one of the most controversial and secretive sites in Syria, with its directors' names linked to pivotal moments in the country's modern history, particularly during the infamous "uprisings" and the period following 2011. This article traces the historical record of the officers who commanded the prison from its opening in 1987 until late 2024.

The Founding Era and the Pre-Revolution Period

The prison's history began with Brigadier General Barakat al-Ash (from Damsarkho, Latakia), who directed it from its opening in 1987 until the end of 1991. He was succeeded by Colonel Muhyiddin Muhammad (from Darminah, Jableh), who remained in his position for over a decade (1991–2003), a period marked by relative stability in the prison's military structure before the major transformations.

The mid-2000s witnessed escalating tensions within the prison, with Colonel Louay Youssef Youssef assuming command (2004-2006). He was succeeded by Colonel Ali Khair Bek (from Qardaha), whose tenure saw the infamous "Second Uprising" in July 2008, an event that fundamentally altered the security apparatus's approach to dealing with detainees.

Following these events, Brigadier General Talaat Mahfouz (from Al-Breikhia, Tartous) took over the administration from 2008 until his death in May 2013. This period coincided with the outbreak of the Syrian revolution and the prison's transformation into a major detention center for protesters and activists.

Rapid Changes (2013-2024)

Following Mahfouz's death, several officers successively managed the prison for short periods:

- Colonel Ibrahim Suleiman Hassan (from Fajlit, Tartous) for no more than six months in 2013.

- Colonel Adib Ismander (from Qala'i, Jableh) for a short period in early 2014.

- Colonel Mahmoud Ma'touq (from Fideo, Latakia) who remained in his position until his death in January 2018.

- Colonel Wassim Suleiman Hassan, nicknamed "The Butcher of Saydnaya," who managed the prison from 2018 until March 2020.

- Colonel Osama al-Ali (from Safita, Tartous) who assumed command from March 2020 until the end of 2024.

Testimonies from Hama residents revealed that Colonel Louay Deeb Salloum Sulaytin, an officer in the former regime, left behind a record laden with violations and crimes against civilians during the years of the revolution.

According to the sources, Sleitin used the Workers' Union building in the city center as a security headquarters, transforming it into a detention and sniper center for four years. His violations spanned the period from 2013 to 2018. During this period, residents of the Bab Qibli neighborhood alone were subjected to a campaign of arrests that included more than 233 young men, while at least 45 people from the same neighborhood were killed. His operations also extended to the neighborhoods of South al-Sakana, al-Wadi, and al-Andalus, in addition to the areas surrounding the headquarters.

Testimonies confirmed that Sulaytin supervised daily sniper operations from the rooftop of the building and participated, along with his aides—including Assistant Ahmed Abdel, Assistant Ghani, and Mahmoud Maala—in widespread violations, including murder under torture, extortion, and the imposition of taxes on the city's merchants.

Sulaytin's name appeared on a list of "Military Security" officers published by Zaman al-Wasl. He is affiliated with Branch 235 (Palestine Branch). After its publication, three people contacted the newspaper, confirming that they were direct victims of his violations. Among them were Mahmoud Shibli and Ali Ziad. They emphasized that he had committed war crimes against them and their families.

According to witnesses, reading his name on the list prompted them to officially report him and hand over photos they had documented over the past years.

The Syrian General Security announced the arrest of Tariq Habib Asmandar, the former deputy commander of the Taftanaz military airbase, on charges of committing "brutal massacres" in the town of Taftanaz in the southern Idlib countryside and surrounding villages during the war.

According to preliminary information, Asmandar, who served as deputy commander of the airbase during the regime's control of the area, was accused of directly overseeing bombing operations and field executions targeting civilians between 2012 and 2016, resulting in hundreds of casualties.

The airbase, the largest helicopter airbase in the city, rained down heavy fire and vacuum bombs on neighboring villages, as well as towns in Idlib, Hama, and Aleppo provinces.

This airbase and the 63rd Brigade committed serious crimes against civilians in rebellious cities and villages by targeting them with rockets, aerial bombardment, and barrel bombs. Detachments from this brigade were deployed to all of Syria's military airbases.

*Escaped from Taftanaz Airport

In this context, Colonel Imad al-Din al-Saeed revealed that the arrested brigadier general not only committed crimes against the people of Taftanaz, but also committed crimes across all of Syria, as he was in charge of the 63rd Helicopter Brigade. The brigade consists of three squadrons: Squadron 253, a mixed squadron of Mi-17 and Mi-8 helicopters; Squadron 255, which includes Mi-8 helicopters; and Squadron 257, which includes Mi-8 helicopters.

Al-Asaad recounted that Brigadier General Asmandar fled Taftanaz Airport in a helicopter, along with eight helicopters, after the rebels took control of the airport on January 11.

With him was the criminal Brigadier General Faeq Mayassa, and they left the criminals, who were not from their sect, to face death at Taftanaz Airport under the pretext that they were going to Hama Airport to retrieve weapons and ammunition.

As a result, Asmandar and Mayassa were imprisoned by the deposed Assad regime before being released.

*Death Crows

Brigadier General Asmander's name was mentioned in a special report published by Zaman al-Wasl on May 30, 2017, under the title "Death Crows," as part of a list of helicopter pilots from the 63rd Brigade's Taftanaz and Hama airports who participated in airstrikes on civilian areas.

After the criminal Assad army failed to enter the town of Taftanaz several times, Asmander took revenge on the town's residents, killing and burning more than 100 people in the space of an hour and arresting dozens more. He was also directly responsible for the Taftanaz massacre that occurred on April 3, 2012.

According to documented activist Tamer Turkmani, the Assad regime used warplanes, artillery, and missiles. His forces also stormed the town, burning and looting homes and shops, causing massive destruction. As a result of this massacre, 65 civilians were killed and more than 25 young men were arrested.

Fares al-Rifai - Zaman al-Wasl

A document dated August 17, 2016, revealed details of an expanded security and military meeting held in the office of the then-Security Officer of the Republican Guard, Brigadier General Qais al-Farawi.

The meeting aimed to develop a mechanism and operational plan for the siege of the towns of Qudsaya and al-Hamah in the Damascus countryside, with the participation of leaders and prominent figures from various Syrian security and military agencies.

Meeting Details:

According to the document, the meeting was attended by high-ranking security and military figures, including:

- Brigadier General Qais al-Farawi (Security Officer of the Republican Guard).

- Brigadier General Kamal Sarem (Republican Guard).

- Brigadier General Jawdat al-Safi (Head of the Political Security Branch "Damascus Countryside").

- Brigadier General Osama Sabouh (Commander of the 215th Military Security Company).

- Colonel Fawaz Jaloud (Scientific Research Security Officer - Jamraya).

- Brigadier General Samir Hassan (Republican Guard).

- Fadi Saqr (General Secretariat of National Defense).

Representatives of the Damascus National Defense Center (Center Commander, Damascus Center Commander, Operations Branch Chief, Information Branch Chief, Western Region Commander of the National Defense).

Meeting Focus and Action Plan:

The discussion focused on developing a "mechanism to besiege the towns of Qudsaya and al-Hamah from all surrounding areas and close security gaps through which infiltration occurs," through security and military coordination between various agencies.

The agreed-upon plan included the following:

- Preparing a military map: showing proposed combat locations, the expected number of fighters, the types of weapons used, and the locations of deployment and deployment around the two towns.

- Participation of the National Defense Forces: It was agreed that the Damascus National Defense Center forces would participate in the "raids" of Qudsaya and al-Hamah, in coordination with other security and military agencies.

- Distribution of Fighters: It was agreed to distribute fighters according to need for each front, with a special focus on the Qudsaya suburb, where the number of Political Security personnel required would be determined after the numbers of other fighters were counted.

Document Implications:

This document sheds light on the level of coordination and planning between the various Syrian security and military agencies in plans to starve the Syrian people. It explains the strategies that were being discussed and approved to contain and encircle the areas outside of control around the capital, Damascus.

It also highlights the pivotal role of the National Defense Forces as a supporting force in security and military operations at the time.

A German court on Thursday convicted Moafak Dawah , a Palestinian-Syrian man of a war crime and murder for launching a grenade into a crowd of civilians waiting for food in Damascus in 2014. He was sentenced to life in prison.

Zaman al-Wasl was the first news outlet to reveal the identity of Dawah in July 2020.

The 55-year-old was arrested in 2021 in Berlin, where he had been living as a refugee. His trial opened in August.

The German capital's district court found that the defendant on March 23, 2014, fired a grenade from an anti-tank weapon into the crowd in the Yarmouk district of Damascus, killing four people and seriously wounding two others.

It said that he was the commander of a checkpoint for a Palestinian group, probably the Free Palestine Movement, and on the day in question also was supposed to be overseeing a distribution of food packages by the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees, the AP reported.

The court said that part of the district was at the time controlled by militias loyal to President Bashar Assad’s government.

The Yarmouk district, which grew out of a Palestinian refugee camp, was cordoned off by the Syrian government from July 2013 to April 2015, causing shortages of food, water and medical supplies.

The court said the defendant acted out of revenge against civilians in the district after his 25-year-old nephew was killed two days earlier by shots fired by opponents of Assad's government.

He was convicted of a particularly serious war crime, four counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and bodily harm. The court also determined that he bears particularly severe guilt, meaning that he won't be eligible for release after 15 years as is usually the case in Germany.

The verdict can be appealed.

Germany’s application of the rule of “universal jurisdiction,” allowing the prosecution of serious crimes committed abroad, led last year to the first conviction of a senior Syrian official for crimes against humanity.

Justice Minister Marco Buschmann on Thursday proposed reforms to the system. Those would include allowing victims of crimes against humanity and war crimes to join trials in Germany as co-plaintiffs, and providing for interpretation at trials for non-German speaking media.

They also would see charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes encompassing “sexual slavery.”

Dawah was one of the most prominent leaders in the Popular Committees of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC). 

According to the sources, Dawah, who was living in the Yarmouk Refugee Camp, south of Damsacus, participated in the rape of women from the Yarmouk camp in the al-Bashir Mosque, as well as in the Ali al-Wahsh massacre in which dozens of demonstrators were killed and arrested, and hundreds were disappeared.

 He was directly responsible for firing an RPG at civilians in Yarmouk camp during the distribution of humanitarian aid, and starving the residents of the camp as well as bombing and destroying the area. 

Dawah was one of the most dangerous leaders of the Palestinian militias, eye-witnesses said. 

After the outbreak of the revolution, Dawah, along with Abu Mohamed Sarriya, a senior militia commander, participated in attempts to suppress protests in the neighborhoods of Tadamon, Zahira and al-Midan south of the capital. 

According to an eye-witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity, “Dawah was one of the first people to join Ahmed Jibril’s militia, leading one of the groups that worked to suppress demonstrations in Yarmouk, Hajar al-Aswad, and Yalda, in addition to participating in the battles against the Free Syrian Army factions in the region.” 

Another witness said that Dawah was one of the leaders of the fighting groups in the military wing of the Free Palestine Movement, al-Aqsa Shield Forces led by Saed al-Abdel, which was confirmed by the photos obtained by Zaman al-Wasl’s investigation team in which Dawah and his group appear with the flags and slogans of the militia behind them.

According to the witness, Muwafaq al-Dawah is accused by Yarmouk’s residents of the rape of the women of the camp in the al-Bashir Mosque, which was documented by Action Group for Palestinians of Syria, and other crimes.

 

  

Zaman al-Wasl publishes four photos of the detainees' bodies, who are a sample of a large file of civilian detainees who were killed by the regime in Aleppo prison, either by torture or by summary executions.

 

The regime's security documented them with names and numbers.

 

 Well-informed sources confirmed to Zaman al-Wasl that the four victims were killed under torture in the summer of 2013 by the regime forces, among a group of about 50 civilians.

The "non-commissioned" officer Abu Ahmed (pseudonym due to security reasons) worked in Aleppo prison during the 13-month siege by opposition factions,  from January 2014 to February 2015, where his mission was to photograph and document the corpses.

Zaman al-Wasl is also based on the testimony of Abu Abdullah, a former prisoner who has been detained in Aleppo Central Prison since 2006 and was a witness on the regime massacres inside the prison.

The new “Caesar” revealed to Zaman al-Wasl a large group of photos of torture victims, as well as the regime's burial of the murdered prisoners in mass graves in the eastern courtyard of the prison.

 

The defected officer confirmed that orders came to them from the senior officials in charge that the victims be documented according to an official death control by a forensic doctor who mentions the cause of death according to the desire of the regime officers, such as mentioning that the prisoner was killed by a stray bullet from outside or was bombed by terrorists.

 

Prison officials also used other means of torture and killing, such as beating iron pipes, or neglecting to treat patients so that they collapse and die.

 

 

1- Anas Kharqi, of Aleppo city, his body was numbered as 26 by the regime security. His body is full of traces of burns, wounds and severe deformities that covered him from his face to his feet.

 

2- Aladdin Mohamed Haskoulak, of Al-Sukari neighborhood in Aleppo, number 51, emaciated body and red-tinted legs, most likely as a result of blood flowing from an apparent wound in the middle of his thigh, most likely caused by a gunshot wound.

 

3- Ahmed Khalaf, of Haritan town, given number 9, deformed body and one arm almost completely, with a large and sunken hernia in the subumbilical part.

 

4- Iyad Farghali, of Damascus, who was given the number 53, and traces of abrasions appeared on his face, especially around the eyes.

 

Amal Ezzo, 55, who lives in the city of Gostrof in the province of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in northern Germany, has started working with the “Get AKTIV-Mv” project, which is supported by several humanitarian organizations and associations, including the Migrant Organizations Network in Mecklenburg, the working group for immigrants and refugees in the state of Mecklenburg. Saxony, and the Tolerance Youth Organization", all of which are specialized in integrating refugees into society and erasing the horror of war from them, according to Zaman al-Wasl source.

 

"Zaman Al-Wasl" obtained a video clip of "Ezzo" during her meeting with a number of female refugees and refugees as part of a humanitarian project, in which she talks after introducing herself about the organization's project and provides a detailed explanation of it in German.

 

The Zaman al-Wasl team to investigate those accused of war crimes was the first to reveal the presence of Ezzo in Germany, despite taking all necessary precautions, staying away from cameras, concealing her identity and her previous work as a leader in the Baath Party branch in Damascus, which may hint that Ezzo is on a special mission in Germany, especially since she is fluent in German even before arriving Germany.

 

Through research and investigation, the investigation team was able to obtain certificates and photos confirming the participation of "Ezzo" in military activities in Syria through its supervision of armed brigades in support of the Baath Party, in conjunction with its responsibilities for training children to fight and carry weapons within the "Union of Revolution Youth" organization for the expedition.

 

Ezzo appeared in July 2014, accompanied by officers of the regime's army, at the graduation ceremony of a military course (National Preparation Camp for Damascus Youth), in which 355 young men and girls affiliated with the Baath Party, some of whom were minors, participated. 

 

The course included training in light weapons and close combat. In addition to the Baathist party education, which proves its involvement in the recruitment and training of minors to participate in combat operations with the Assad army and its affiliated militias.

 

Ezzo is originally from Al-Mabouja village near the desert city of Salamiyah and a member of the board of directors of the Iran-backed and funded Al-Quds International Foundation and the terrorist Iranian Revolutionary Guards, whose board of directors is chaired by Bashar al-Assad's advisor Buthaina Shaaban.

 

Zaman Al-Wasl previously published photos confirming Ezzo's return to Damascus in 2019, and her attendance at the Al-Quds Foundation's Board of Directors meeting, despite her residency in Germany and receiving temporary protection from the German Department of Immigration and Foreigners.

Throughout the 11-year-long war, an estimated 500,000 people have been killed and millions displaced. Syria today is reeling from a crippling economic crisis, while President Bashar al-Assad in Damascus remains in power with military support from Russia, Iran and the Lebanese Hezbollah.

 

The information and photos belong to Major General "Shawkat Saleh Al-Ali", 69, the former deputy commander of the naval forces, who was accused by a source of being responsible for the "southern sand massacre" in Latakia, while another source confirmed that he is the godfather of "the sea mines that were dropped on civilians."

 

Al-Ali visited Switzerland several times, after the military intelligence approved his travel, where the officers were placed on a travel ban list.

 

 

The first witness confirmed Mohamed Naji that "Al-Ali" issued orders to bombard the southern neighborhood in Latakia, and the "Masbah Al-Shaab" neighborhood was also bombed, and the source confirmed that he was serving under the command of "Al-Ali" in the naval command, when the massacre of the "Al-Raml Al-Janoubi" district occurred, in which dozens of civilians were killed. 

Despite his high rank and leadership role, the absence of the name "Shawkat Al-Ali" from the list of those accused of war crimes does not seem strange, as the navy to which "Al-Ali" belongs still needs intensive efforts to document his role in killing Syrians, as this weapon has not received any Interest from those concerned with war crimes, compared to the ground and air forces.

The source, who is currently inside Syria, added that with the efforts of "Al-Ali" and before him, Maj. Gen Talib Berri, commander of the naval forces, the regime was able to turn outdated naval mines into "blind bombs."

 Saqr Shaheen, 49, a senior leader in the Russia-backed 25th Special Task Force Division, (formerly Tiger Forces), arrived in Dubai last week on a tourist and family trip where his wife resides and runs his business, according to well-informed sources.

Shaheen's visit was not the first to the UAE, sources said.

Shaheen was one of the first militants of the "25th Special Tasks Division", which was led by notorious Brig. Gen Suhail al-Hassan, nicknamed "The Tiger", as he enjoys a very strong relationship With al-Hassan and close associates of the Russian forces.

Shaheen formed his own militia called "The Al-Shawaheen Regiment", the first unit of Russia's auxiliary "25th Division" forces that may join the Russian army in its war on Ukraine.

Shaheen, dubbed: Al-Saffah or the slaughterer, has participated in all the battles of the Division 25 special missions in northern and eastern Syria, including Idlib, Aleppo, Lattakia, and Deir Ezzor.  He played with his militia a major role in the assault on the town of Maarat al-Numan in January 2020.

Last May, Zaman al-Wasl published photos showing Shaheen alongside Samer Ismail, commander of the Al-Haidar Regiment" of the "25th Division" who is listed on the US sanctions under the Caesar Act.

Al-Shaheen hails from the town of Talkalakh on Syria-Lebanon border with Lebanon, in the western countryside of Homs.

When the spark of pro-democracy demonstrations erupted in Talkalakh in early 2011, Shaheen vowed to burn the town that revolted against the Assad regime, such a vow seems to be fulfilled in regard to his bloody militant act, 

local activists told Zaman al-Wasl.

 

His identity was revealed by Zaman al-Wasl in June 2020. 

The French justice system is looking again at the case of Rifaat al-Assad, who was sentenced to four years in prison in June 2020 for a range of financial impropriety charges.

The Syrian president’s uncle stands accused of fraudulently building a French property empire estimated at €90 million – including two mansions in upscale parts of Paris, some forty apartments, a chateau and a stud farm.

Taking into account his British and Spanish property assets, Rifaat’s European empire amount to several hundred million euros, according to anti-corruption NGOs including the French association Sherpa, which brought the complaint against him to the courts in 2013.

A princely lifestyle

Rifaat al-Assad was born in Syria in 1937, and was brought up as part of the Alawite community. He has always insisted that he did nothing improper in the acquisition of his assets. This younger brother of Hafez al-Assad – Syrian President Bshar al-Assad’s father and president from 1971 to 2000 – said that it was mainly thanks to the Saudi royal family’s generosity in the 1980s that he was able to build his lucrative empire.

His allies say that the value of these holdings is far below the sums relayed in the media. Rifaat has long contended that his legal troubles and the criminal complaints levelled against him in France, Spain and Switzerland are a plot fomented by the Syrian opposition. He says he is being targeted because of his popularity in Syria.

But it is clear that Rifaat was by no means predestined to become such a tycoon. “During his first trial there was a long discussion of Assad’s rise to this vast fortune from a family of small landowners in Qardaha, northwest Syria,” said Fabrice Balanche, a Syria specialist at Lyon University 2, who testified as an expert at the first trial in December 2019.

“The size of his assets is out of proportion with the hundred acres of poor land his family possessed, 400 metres above sea level, on which sharecroppers cultivated tobacco and durum wheat,” Balanche continued.

Rifaat has lived in Europe since he was forced into exile in 1984 after a failed coup against his own brother Hafez.

“Before his exile, Rifaat was his brother’s right-hand man – and you could say this hand was highly armed; Rifaat was head of the Defence Brigades, an army corps composed of Alawites, the community the Assads come from,” Balanche said.

The Defence Brigades numbered some 50,000 men paid three times the average for soldiers in the Syrian army. It did the Assad regime’s dirty work – and its fearsome reputation burnished Rifaat’s ambitions.

“Syria saw a Muslim Brotherhood uprising from 1979 to 1983, which ended in the infamous Hama massacre orchestrated by Rifaat’s Defence Brigades,” Balanche said. This came after they massacred hundreds of prisoners in the Palmyra jail in 1980 to avenge an attack on the government.

‘You don’t kill your own brother’

After this Rifaat was nicknamed the “butcher of Hama”. At present, he is the subject of a criminal investigation in Switzerland by NGO Trial International for his alleged involvement in the massacre – which for many Syrians remains a pre-eminent symbol of the Assad regime’s cruelty.

“The Defence Brigades were also involved in stealing property and trafficking antiques; they have a powerful grip on smuggling, notably in Lebanon which the Syrian army occupied in 1976,” Balanche said. “Many of their barracks functioned as warehouses full of goods from Lebanon, such as TVs, VCRs, cigarettes and foreign beers.”

Far from being an ideologue, Balanche continued, Rifaat was someone who used his brother’s power for self-aggrandisement: “He was the little brother who imposed himself by force; his goal was to accumulate wealth – much more than Hafez had, seeing as the latter was primarily interested in power not money.”

Rifaat gained influence over the years – with the burgeoning of his clientelist networks and Hafez making him vice-president. This threatened his brother’s grip on power when Rifaat took advantage of Hafez’s hospitalisation to attempt a coup in 1984.

“Hafez spared him after this betrayal because you don’t kill your own brother; it would have upset their mother a great deal,” Balanche said. “It’s also worth noting that Hafez didn’t want to risk a civil war within the Alawite community, because at the time his younger brother had a lot of supporters – especially within the army thanks to the Defence Brigades. So Hafez expelled Rifaat from Syria with a significant sum of money so that he could bounce back abroad.”

Lavish exile and Legion of Honour

In disgrace and deprived of his Defence Brigade power base, Rifaat settled in France with various wives, many descendants and a squad of bodyguards.

“France’s intelligence agencies were very happy that he was there,” Balanche said. “Lebanon was mired in its [1975 to 1990] civil war and was occupied by Syrian forces – and in this context Rifaat constituted a precious source of information against Hafez, as well as a kind of tool to be used against him if need be,” Balanche said. “Some French intelligence figures even saw him as a useful intermediary in the arms trade – and as a potential pro-Western successor to Hafez.”

Then French President François Mitterrand made Rifaat a Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour in 1986. It remains a controversial move – in February, Sherpa and another NGO Trial International urged President Emmanuel Macron to withdraw France’s highest honour from Rifaat in light of the grave accusations against him.

An interregnum to Rifaat’s French exile came in 1992 when Hafez allowed him to return to Syria with a pardon, prompted by their mother’s funeral. He got back the right to do business there.

But the tide turned again in 1998. “Rifaat was declared persona non grata and stripped of his title of vice president because Hafez saw him as a danger to his succession plan in which his son Bashar would take his place,” Balanche noted.

 Bashar’s elder brother Bassel had been widely regarded as Hafez’s most likely successor until his death in a car accident in 1994.

Upon Hafez’s funeral in June 2000 Rifaat accused Syrian authorities of violating the country’s constitution by appointing Bashar as head of state.

“Now Rifaat carries no political weight in Syria,” Balanche said. “He might have created a party and launched a satellite TV channel [ANN] based in London – and he might have backed the opposition because he knew his only chance of regaining a foothold in Syria was through regime change – but his old adversaries weren’t fooled for a second.”

“After a lavish exile and dreams of ruling Syria in place of his brother and then his nephew, Rifaat’s last struggles are playing out in European courts – a far cry from both his Parisian palaces and his dreams of national leadership,” Balanche concluded.

France 24

A source close to the refugee Samir Ahmad Mardini, who is currently detained in the city prison of Sala in Fastmanlands province, said that the Swedish authorities had contacted the Syrian embassy in Stockholm about deporting Samir and to ensure that he was not wanted by Syrian security services. The embassy replied that Mardini, who was born in the countryside of Damascus in 1977, is not wanted for arrest nor would he be at risk if returned to his country, and that it is willing to issue a one-time Syrian travel document for him and to cooperate with the Swedish authorities to deport him.

Mardini is still being held either until the decision of his deportation is issued at the final session scheduled to take place on January 17, 2021, or in case the deportation process is once again postponed due to the coronavirus.

According to the source, Samir requested through his lawyer that his deportation is cancelled arguing that the Syrian’s embassy’s insurances are false since he is indeed wanted for arrest by the General Intelligence Department, as the documents shared by Zaman al-Wasl confirm.

In June 2011, Samir was arrested in Syria by one of the security branches (Al-Khatib Branch-251) and was tortured for three months, the effects of which are still visible. He was released after his family had paid a bribe to an officer in exchange for smuggling him out from al-Musa hospital, to escape after that towards Jordan and then to Sweden in 2014.

Samir requested that, if the Swedish authorities insisted on deporting him, his destination to be any country other than Syria. After his wife passed away a few months ago, he asked to be deported to Jordan where his 8-year old daughter is staying alone in a refugee camp, however, the Jordanian authorities rejected his request. Samir had previously lost his sister and his mother. 

Samir’s relative said to Zaman al-Wasl that he holds the Swedish authorities that issued the decision to deport him, fully responsible before Swedish law, international human rights law and human rights organizations, for what happens to Samir, whose life and safety are threatened if he is to be returned to the regime’s clutches. The relative called on Swedish authorities to take the documents presented and confirmed by Zaman al-Wasl as proof, and to repeal the deportation order against Samir.

While we can confirm that the information presented is authentic and taken verbatim from official documents and regulations, Zaman al-Wasl accepts no responsibility or liability for the safety of any person or persons who may rely entire on the accuracy or the completeness of the information contained within these documents, which do not necessarily include all the names wanted by the regime since there are multiple sources and lists that are subject to periodic updates.