SYRIA NEWS | ZAMAN ALWSL

Privatized Syria: Who buys medicine and who buys graves?

Zaman Al Wasl — Tue, 14 Apr 2026 12:11:00 +0300

Between the rhetoric of "modern management" and the reality of declining services, a growing debate is emerging about the future of the health and education sectors, and the limits of the state's role in guaranteeing basic services.

At a time when the cost of living is becoming increasingly heavy for Syrians, the discussion about the management of hospitals and schools is no longer a mere administrative detail, but has transformed into a direct question about the extent to which the state will remain responsible and what will be left to the citizen's ability to pay.

In a country that has yet to recover from a war that has devastated its social and economic fabric, the issue of hospital and school management does not appear to be simply an administrative debate or a technical choice, but rather a reformulation of the state's role in managing public services. Recent statements regarding the possibility of involving the private sector in managing some service institutions, followed by clarifications affirming the state's continued role as guarantor of healthcare and education, have not ended the debate but have instead reopened a broader discussion about the directions of administrative development and the limits of partnership with the private sector.

The issue here is not a single statement or misunderstanding, but rather a pattern of proposals that emerge periodically, eliciting widespread public reactions before being clarified within a framework that emphasizes the preservation of the core principles of public services. Nevertheless, the recurrence of these discussions reflects a general trend toward reconsidering the management mechanisms of certain sectors, within a broader discourse focused on enhancing efficiency and improving service quality.

In recent times, it has become evident that some service sectors have undergone gradual transformations in their management styles or operational mechanisms, including positive intervention institutions, transportation, and services, culminating in the recurring debates surrounding health and education. This accumulation of discussions and partial decisions cannot be separated from a broader trend presented under various names, such as administrative development or expanding partnerships with the private sector, all aimed at improving performance and reducing the operational burden on the public sector.

However, this trend, despite its stated goals related to efficiency, raises legitimate questions about its implementation mechanisms within a highly complex economic and social context. In countries that have undergone similar experiences, restructuring public services has been linked to the necessity of robust social safety nets and economic capacity to allow for a gradual and balanced transition. This constitutes a fundamental factor in evaluating any such policies.

In the Syrian case, this debate takes on particular sensitivity, given the existing living challenges and the decline in purchasing power for a large segment of the population. This makes any transformation in the management of the health and education sectors a matter not only of efficiency but also of ensuring continued and equitable access to basic services.

Here, the debate transcends mere management to encompass the concept of the state's social role. Health and education are not simply services measurable by profit and loss criteria; rather, they represent two fundamental pillars of social stability and equal opportunity. Any change in the mechanisms of their delivery directly impacts the relationship between the citizen and the state.

As for the comparisons circulating in the streets between the cost of medical treatment and the cost of a burial, these are no longer mere fleeting jokes but have become everyday language that encapsulates the accumulated anxiety. When the discussion reaches this point, the question becomes less exaggerated: Will citizens pay for their medical treatment, or will they begin calculating the cost of their burial? Similarly, will school remain an option for all children, or will the pressures of daily life force more families to withdraw their children from education early, towards professions dictated by necessity rather than choice, with all the risks this entails of accumulating ignorance and widening the social gap?

In an increasingly harsh reality, where many families' incomes are no longer sufficient to secure even the minimum necessities of life, these questions appear as a direct reflection of a general situation, not merely theoretical concerns. At this precise juncture, the real danger lies not only in the rising cost of services, but in their transformation into a coercive equation where citizens are confronted with choices that should never have been presented in the first place: between treatment or forgoing it, between educating their children or pushing them into the labor market prematurely. This equation, if it takes root, threatens not only individuals but also the very fabric of society and its long-term future.

The core issue is not about rejecting administrative development or improving the performance of public institutions—that is an undisputed goal—but rather about the extent to which any reform can preserve the social dimension of the state and ensure that administrative efficiency does not become an additional burden on citizens.

Ultimately, the real question is not about who manages the hospital or school, but about whether these institutions remain within the framework of public service that guarantees equitable access for all. Between administrative development and preserving the state's social role, the features of the next phase will be defined, with all its challenges that demand a delicate balance between the requirements of reform and the necessities of social justice.

Reem Al-Nasser

Damascus: Will investment influx swallow up traditional heritage?

Zaman Al Wasl — Mon, 13 Apr 2026 10:09:00 +0300

To stand today as an observer of the Syrian scene means to be confronted with a torrent of contradictions that necessitate a careful re-examination of the concept of contemporary urban and economic "logic."

We stand today at a crossroads between a discourse that encourages "small projects" as a lever for growth, and a reality on the ground that is squeezing the lifeblood of these projects in venerable markets like Al-Manakhliya. What we are witnessing is not merely a process of "modernization," but rather an organizational challenge that affects the infrastructure of basic services and the structure of the historic city, requiring a pause to review the "conditions for integration" between large investments and the needs of the local population.

First: Protecting the productive "shadow economy" and the memory of crafts

Workshops, crafts, and micro-enterprises have always constituted the true lifeblood of the Syrian economy, guaranteeing its resilience in the most difficult crises. The move to clear the Al-Manakhliya market and its surroundings under the guise of urban beautification raises questions about the "intangible costs." Heritage is not merely a "visual spectacle" for tourists, but rather a "social and economic function." The fragmentation of these artisanal communities destroys the "cumulative knowledge" that isn't taught in universities, and transforms the vibrant organic economy into isolated entities within industrial cities that lack the spirit of the historical market. True modernization requires revitalizing these artisanal environments in their original locations, not replacing them with lifeless spaces.

Second: Green Investment... The Case of "Al-Adawi" and "Kiwan" as a National Priority

The land of "Kiwan" and the orchards of "Al-Adawi" represent natural lungs for a city suffering from increasing environmental pressures.

- The Al-Adawi Tourism Project: Announcing massive projects that will benefit millions in these areas requires a highly rigorous Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). Replacing historically productive orchards and dense vegetation with water parks or shopping malls may achieve "digital growth," but it will diminish the "quality of life" for residents.

- Social Responsibility of Investment: Transforming the "right to nature" into a "paid service" through the privatization of these spaces reduces the area available to low-income citizens and turns green spaces into real estate privileges instead of being a guaranteed public right.

Third: The Sovereignty of Agricultural Production... Food Security and Rural Damascus

Urban expansion in the heart of the capital cannot be separated from the ongoing erosion in Ghouta and rural Damascus.

From Production to Consumption: Converting agricultural lands into concrete blocks threatens biosecurity and food security. We urgently need to adopt major national projects for reforestation and support for livestock in rural areas, and to provide production inputs at fair prices. The sustainability of the state begins with the productivity of its land, an investment no less important than any massive real estate project.

Fourth: The Philosophy of "Identity" and the Challenges of Urban Replication

What we observe in some governorates, such as Deir ez-Zor, with attempts to replicate Damascene stone landmarks (like the Umayyad Mosque) on formerly green spaces, reflects a disconnect in urban identity. Identity cannot be imported or replicated; Rather, it is built upon respect for the unique character of the local environment and the people's natural need for open spaces, moving away from the rigid formalism that prioritizes stone over nature.

Fifth: Restructuring Public Services and Guarantees of the Social Contract

The transformations we are witnessing in the service sectors (such as electricity, telecommunications, and now health) necessitate reaffirming the state's role as a "regulator and guarantor."

- The Dilemma of Quiet Privatization: Transforming public hospitals into financially independent entities may aim to increase efficiency, but this should not come at the expense of "universal access" to healthcare. Health and education are the foundation of social peace, and any imbalance in their equitable distribution could lead to cracks in the national social contract.

- Towards an Integrated Development Vision

The real challenge facing urban management today is not merely "attracting investment," but rather directing this investment to be environmentally friendly and community-oriented. Damascus does not need to be a "copy" of other cities; it needs to reclaim its spirit as a productive, green, and inclusive city for all its residents.

Successful investment is that which builds towers without uprooting the olive trees in Adawi or obliterating the copper hammers in Manakhliya. Preserving the "public domain" of the urban space is the only way to guarantee the city's stability and future prosperity.

Dr. Amin Saab

Is restricting digital platforms a healthy step in new Syria?

Thu, 26 Mar 2026 05:56:00 +0300

In mid-2026, as the world is engulfed in a technological tsunami that transcends borders and continents, the Syrian Ministry of Information issues a "circular" attempting to rein in digital platforms. This scene harks back to the pre-2011 era, reflecting a stark gulf between the mentality of "official ban" and a virtual reality whose algorithms recognize neither national borders nor ministerial decrees.

There is only one "brilliant" way the Ministry could engineer the Syrian media landscape as it pleases: to completely cut off the internet, confiscate devices, and force everyone to read printed newspapers. Only then, and only in that "technological coma," could the Ministry claim to be "regulating" the media in the age of the digital revolution.

Gentlemen, words are countered with words, and arguments are refuted with action. Instead of wasting time chasing digital phantoms and shutting down institutions, build competitive institutions capable of surviving in the marketplace of ideas. The inability to compete cannot be remedied by censorship.

Days after the Damascus governor opened the door to a government headache with his latest circular, the Ministry of Information has now opened a new door to interpretation and back-and-forth, even though the equation is simple: confront the people with facts and transparency; be honest and clear with them. For example:

• What are the details of the agreement between the government and the SDF?

• How much money and property has been collected as a result of the "settlements," and where will it go?

• Where are the rest of the war criminals who were pillars of the regime? Why don't you pursue war criminals within Syrian territory without requiring a lawsuit from a victim who may be buried?

• Why haven't you been able to reveal the fate of the children of detainees, children in a forest about whom we know nothing?

• Why haven't you protected the mass graves and reburied the bones properly instead of letting children play with skulls?

• Why haven't you revealed the fate of the disappeared detainees? And why have you prevented the publication of any document concerning them under threat of legal prosecution and imprisonment according to the electronic publishing law passed by Assad? • Why did you appoint inexperienced individuals to diplomatic posts in powerful countries like America? Is it conceivable that the chargé d'affaires in Germany doesn't speak German (the minister's son)?

• What is your justification for raising electricity prices and the gas shortages? Are you aware that the days of Ramadan were a misery for most Syrians due to their dire financial straits?

• How can one person be appointed to four positions, and you repeat this mistake hundreds of times under the pretext of loyalty?

• What about the dismissed employees of the revolution who are searching for stale bread after your promise to reinstate them?

• What about the displaced Bedouin from Suwaida, confined to tents and cheap hotels without any real support, and their families at the mercy of the criminal Hajri?

Is discussing and criticizing these points considered "sedition and mob rule"? Is this the "New Syria"?

The Deputy Minister of Information's desperate defense of this decision "nail and nail" is more frightening than trustworthy; it seems like an official declaration of the beginning of a "long night" of intellectual repression in the "People's Democratic Republic of Northern Syria." A night that may force free pens to return to square one: working under pseudonyms and resorting to "coordination committees" to smuggle the truth and disseminate news.

As for that chorus that emerges in the comments demanding the "crushing" of journalism, do not be deceived by their pompous presence; they are like a pufferfish, full of air and devoid of any substance.

We will continue to defend the Syria of 2011, and there will be no licenses for press institutions, only state-controlled media, nothing more.

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Transportation sector: Investment should be in sovereignty, not dependency

Zaman Al Wasl — Sun, 22 Mar 2026 16:40:40 +0300

The shift towards organized transportation should not necessarily mean displacing the thousands of Syrian families who depend on the shared taxi sector for their livelihood, nor should it mean handing control of the streets to companies that might impose price gouging in the future.

The true national alternative lies in localizing investment and transforming individuals from scattered operators into shareholders within large institutional entities.

The Structure of Shareholding Companies and Localizing Manufacturing

The state can sponsor the establishment of national shareholding companies that combine the public and local private sectors. Shareholders would contribute their vehicles as in-kind shares or be compensated with shares that guarantee them a sustainable income. These companies would be managed with modern tracking systems and electronic payment methods, ensuring that the substantial cash flow remains within the national economic cycle.

This should be accompanied by a strategic move towards local manufacturing and conversion, instead of relying entirely on the import of expensive electric buses. This can be achieved by launching a national project to convert existing engines to run on locally available natural gas and by concluding agreements to establish assembly lines that guarantee the availability of spare parts and protect the fleet from becoming scrap in the future.

Sovereign Funding and Breaking the Decision-Making Monopoly

The National Fleet Modernization Fund plays a crucial role as a financial instrument, providing low-interest loans to existing operators to upgrade their vehicles. This is contingent upon operating under a unified management structure overseen by the governorates, thus achieving the desired organization without falling into the trap of monopolies.

It is also essential to break the energy monopoly by diversifying sources, including diesel, gas, and electricity generated from alternative energy sources in garages. This ensures uninterrupted service under all circumstances, while the state maintains absolute control over pricing and route decisions, and enforces strict oversight to prevent companies from halting operations or manipulating public services.

Operational Fairness and Sustainability

Achieving social justice requires the implementation of a mandatory public service system within investment contracts. This system would require new entities to operate services during peak and off-peak hours based on social, not just economic, feasibility, in exchange for encouraging tax incentives.

The real danger lies not in the organization but in dependence on external parties and the depletion of foreign purchasing power, while the solution lies in the complete Syrianization of the transport sector and the transformation of current operators into key pillars in a modern system supported by the state technically and financially.

Playing with wolves: Will state survive SDF's deadly hug?

Zaman Al Wasl — Sun, 22 Mar 2026 10:55:00 +0300

A victorious state, having liberated Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa, suddenly halts its efforts to reconcile with the SDF leadership in Hasakah, who hail from the Qandil Mountains, and grants war criminals sovereign positions despite their lack of loyalty to the Syrian state; appointing Noureddine Issa Ahmed as governor of Hasakah and Sipan Hamo as deputy minister of defense.

Now, the SDF is beginning to mobilize the public through its members in civilian clothing, and, more dangerously, through cells that have effectively infiltrated the state apparatus.

This systematic infiltration of state institutions cannot be considered "national reconciliation" in its traditional sense; rather, it is more akin to a modern-day Trojan horse operation. How can a state that sacrificed martyrs to cleanse its land of terrorism and foreign influence open the doors of sensitive decision-making centers to figures whose history is intertwined with separatist projects and subservience to foreign powers?

Granting these leaders official positions gives them "sovereign immunity," enabling them to address the international community as representatives of the state, while their true agenda serves ethnic or ideological enclaves alien to the Syrian fabric. Figures like Sipan Hamo at the top of the Ministry of Defense hierarchy mean exposing the military plans and defense capabilities of an entity that has been—and continues to be—operating according to the dictates of Qandil.

The current SDF strategy relies on "civilian camouflage," whereby the public is incited against the state using the state's own tools. This makes suppressing unrest or maintaining security a complex matter in the eyes of the public, as long as the instigator wears the uniform of an official.

History does not forgive states that place their trust in those who have proven their loyalty only to foreign arms. Are we witnessing a shrewd political settlement, or is this the beginning of the end for state sovereignty over the eastern region under the guise of "integration and recognition"? Playing with wolves in the same house is an adventure that may leave nothing standing.

I fear that Issa Ahmed and Hamou will exploit their positions to later declare their defection from the state, after the latter granted them legitimacy and influence.

Do those who plan the policies of this wounded country understand the reality?

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli

Mr. President, open your office window and look at us

Fri, 06 Mar 2026 10:50:00 +0300

President Ahmed al-Sharaa's leadership faces a moment of truth today; a moment when resounding speeches cease to act as painkillers, and the public begins demanding accountability for the promises made during his inauguration.

The internal challenge facing al-Sharaa is not merely a "communication crisis" or a "misunderstanding" with his popular base, but rather a widening trust gap that grows with every lightbulb going out in a citizen's home or every gas cylinder running dry in the dead of winter.

Behind the smiling faces: Does al-Sharaa have a "Plan B"?

It's easy for any leader to surround himself with a "chorus of smiles"—those experts in nodding and agreeing to every proposal, adept at embellishing reality in paper reports fit only for archiving.

But the "smiling faces" in meeting rooms never reflect the weary faces in fuel queues, or those worried about electricity bills that now devour the lion's share of a family's income.

The Services Crisis: When a Right Becomes a “Privilege”

The scarcity of gas and fuel, and the high prices of energy, are not merely figures in the state budget; they are daily standards of dignity. When citizens fail to provide warmth for their children, all other political achievements become secondary.

The criticism leveled at the government here lies in the slow structural response. Instead of patchwork solutions and reliance on closed-door meetings, the public needs a transparent energy strategy that clarifies where resources are going and why alternatives are lacking.

Transitional Justice: The Great Absence

Transitional justice is not an intellectual luxury or a file to be postponed until the economy stabilizes; it is the backbone of building a state of institutions.

Settling for protocol meetings without concrete steps on accountability, reparations, and truth-seeking transforms the “oath to serve the people” into mere political prestige. Silence here is not interpreted as wisdom, but rather as incompetence or favoritism.

What can the government actually do?

Breaking free from the "smiling faces" predicament requires the courage to change the tools, not just the faces:

- First: Replace closed-door meetings with open and transparent hearings with popular committees and independent experts (who don't necessarily have to smile).

- Second: Shift the full political focus to the energy and fuel sectors, and activate strict oversight of distribution channels, free from favoritism.

The people need to know the "naked truth" about the economic situation, not rosy promises that vanish as soon as the press conference ends.

Leadership in times of crisis is not measured by the number of applauders, but by the ability to make painful decisions that benefit the disadvantaged. Ahmed al-Sharaa has two choices: either to remain captive to the narrow circle that tells him "everything is fine," or to open his office window and see the smoke rising from the homes of citizens who are waiting for action, not just words.

Al-Hussein al-Shishakli - Zaman al-Wasl

'Battle of oppressors' may offer chance to catch one's breath in Syria

Wed, 04 Mar 2026 07:35:00 +0300

Amid the flurry of rapidly unfolding news and the struggle between major powers (Iran, the US, and Israel), Syrians were glued to their television screens, following the brutal conflict between parties many Syrians see as complicit in their suffering.

This preoccupation, despite its significant security and political implications, led to a temporary lull in the intensity of public pressure and daily demands for basic necessities that had dominated the Syrian scene.

A Forced Respite from Public Pressure

It seems the government has found an unexpected respite in this regional escalation. While the public is focused on monitoring the flight paths of aircraft and drones, criticism of the government's sluggish performance has subsided, and the calls for radical economic reforms have diminished. However, observers believe this lull in public demands is temporary and fragile, stemming from fear of the unknown military consequences rather than satisfaction with the current state of public services.

The Golden Opportunity: Turning “Breathing” into Action

The current state of “silence” prevailing in the streets should not be interpreted by the government as a license to act, but rather as a final opportunity to get its act together.

It is essential to seize this lost time by initiating concrete measures to control prices and secure basic commodities, setting aside the excuse of “exceptional circumstances.” The period of relative calm in some sectors should be used to repair the energy and water systems, which have reached critical levels.

Instead of hiding behind the veil of war, the government must present a clear action plan to lift citizens out of the ever-widening abyss of poverty.

The Syrians’ preoccupation with the battles of “others” on their land does not mean they have forgotten their livelihoods. If the government fails to make the most of this opportunity to achieve a genuine breakthrough, the coming pressure may prove too much to bear once the dust settles from the external conflicts.

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Indivisible homeland: Syrian Army as guarantor

Sat, 28 Feb 2026 05:46:00 +0300

Beyond the noise and fanfare, the Syrian Arab Army remains the safe haven for Syrian citizens, protecting them from their anxieties and fears for the country and its people.

Amidst the fires of remnants of the old regime and the flames of those who seek to divide the nation, this institution has proven itself to be more than just a military tool. It is the structural pillar that has prevented the collapse of the concept of "state" in the Syrian consciousness, even before it manifested on the ground.

The army and the Syrian president remain the guarantors against the country slipping into the abyss of division or polarization, and the lasting devastation that such a scenario could bring.

An objective reading of the Syrian reality confirms that preserving the centrality of the state and rallying around its leadership and army constitute an impenetrable barrier against the sectarian or ethnic "canton" projects that external forces have attempted to impose as an alternative reality.

The Military Institution: A Unifying Fabric

The role of the army cannot be understood in isolation from its composition, which represents the new Syria. It is the institution that has forged narrow affiliations into a single compass: "the homeland."

From this springs the citizen's reassurance regarding their army. He sees it as the only guarantee against transforming Syrian territory into an arena of conflict and settling scores between forces that do not recognize the state's borders and sovereignty.

Adherence to state institutions at this stage transcends the realm of military defense, reaching strategic dimensions that include preventing any attempt to entrench the lines of separation as permanent borders, providing the necessary environment for any national solution emanating from within Syria, free from external dictates, and establishing security as a fundamental basis for reviving the economy and restoring life to cities and villages.

The bet on the strength of the state and the cohesion of its army is a bet on the survival of a unified Syria, not a fragmented Syria. History proves that states that compromise their sovereign national institutions fall into the trap of open conflict, while Syria, with its army and leadership, remains steadfast in its unified identity despite the enormity of the challenges.

Syria: Noise of praise does not build a state

Wed, 25 Feb 2026 09:56:00 +0300

In a scene that repeats itself around the clock, the chorus of sycophants continues to squander what little charisma and public presence the president retains, deluding themselves that their clamor of praise is building the state, while in reality they are plunging it into a vortex of absurdity and false idealism that neither feeds the hungry nor builds institutions.

The irony of this perpetual charade lies not in the praise itself, but in the identity of the sycophants. Most of those who now lead the charge of "sacrifice and loyalty" were, until very recently—specifically before the liberation—in the camp of those who opposed or questioned Ahmed al-Sharaa's character. As soon as the president assumed power, a ludicrous and pathetic "great transformation" occurred, as they shed their political skins in the blink of an eye, becoming "more royalist than the king."

The creation of a "leader's cult" and the shrouding of him in an aura of sanctity, divorced from the language of facts and real achievements on the ground, leads to entirely counterproductive results. Those who engage in this practice create a barrier between the president and the pulse of the street. The excessive and superficial use of the image of the "charismatic leader" in every matter, however trivial, diminishes the charisma and its influence on the masses.

When the nation is reduced to a single person, and the state to mere praise, accountability vanishes, and hypocrisy becomes the sole path to advancement.

Building a state does not require empty rhetoric.

A state born from the throes of revolution needs minds that build, not voices that chant. What these individuals are doing is a "moral assassination" of the concept of the modern state by drowning it in a sea of cosmetic hypocrisy that masks flaws instead of addressing them.

These people must realize that "love for the president" or "concern for the state" is demonstrated through constructive criticism and pointing out shortcomings, not by turning politics into an arena for "free praise" from which opportunists benefit while the nation loses.

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Syria is caught between two emotions, Awareness needed

Tue, 17 Feb 2026 14:28:00 +0300

History tells us that for a country emerging from the fires of war, the danger is not always in the ashes and embers buried beneath, but rather, the greatest danger lies in the wind—the wind of anger and the wind of justification.

Today, in our Syrian street, there are two voices: one that says all criticism is treason, and another that says all defense is naiveté. And both, if they intensify, serve only those who do not want this country to rise again.

The new liberated state—and the state, in its very essence, is not an idol to be blindly praised, nor is it a low wall in the path of our renaissance to be pelted with stones every morning out of ignorance. Rather, it is like a ship emerging from the fiercest storm, with a long way to go before reaching the harbor of safety and stability. Those who widen the holes in the hull today in the name of anger, seeking to draw attention to them, are drowning themselves before they drown the ship. And those who silence the warnings about the holes in the ship's hull in the name of loyalty—or who steer the ship without a compass in the name of obedience—are no less ignorant, for they are simply abandoning it to its inevitable fate of sinking or crashing against the rocks of oblivion.

No one is unaware of the Battle of Uhud. It was a painful military defeat, but the Quran transformed it into a political lesson in managing emotions and handling crises.

The ranks wavered, some deserted, a group retreated before the confrontation, the archers disobeyed orders, martyrs fell, and the battle was lost. However, the divine discourse was not one of gloating or vindictiveness, but rather a set of established principles for crisis management. Verses 120-180 of Surah Al Imran explain this:

1- He said: “So do not lose heart or grieve, for you will have the upper hand” (139). This prevented collective psychological collapse in both cases, by preventing denial of the event on the one hand, and preventing it from becoming a permanent complex on the other.

2- He said: “And such days We alternate among people” (140). This declared that alternation is a divine law; the alternation of circumstances, and the alternation of nations and people. Therefore, there is no discourse of “We are always victorious,” nor of “We are finished.” Defeat does not mean the loss of legitimacy, and victory does not mean infallibility. This applies to today as well. Neither the rhetoric of "the eternal leader" nor the rhetoric of "everyone is corrupt" is acceptable. An official is a servant of the people, and above all, he is a human being who makes mistakes and gets things right.

3- He said: {And He has already pardoned you} (152). He distinguished between error and loyalty. The archers erred; the error resulted in a serious exposure and cost a great deal. Yet, God and His Messenger pardoned them. They were not dismissed, they were not branded as traitors, and they did not become a "faction within the ranks." Therefore, the distinction here is crucial between: an error in decision-making due to circumstances—but not in moral values—and the severing of loyalty. A state that punishes those who err—but not traitors, of course—with political purges creates a destructive and permanent opposition.

4- He said: “Until you lose heart and dispute amongst yourselves and disobey” (152). He established clear criticism as the foundation for reform: three direct words: loss, dispute, disobedience. No justification, no burying of the problem. Sound policy is not based on covering up, but on an accurate description of the flaw.

5- He said: “And consult with them in the matter” (159). He established that consultation is a firm principle, not subject to circumstances. Consultation came after a setback. If the leadership had wanted to monopolize power, it would have said: “You have seen the result of your opinions.” But the text reinstates everyone in the decision-making process, because re-involving those who erred prevents a recurrence of division.

6- He said: “Those of you who turned back on the day the two armies met—it was Satan who caused them to slip” (155). Thus, we learn to control our emotions in the face of adversity; they were not stripped of their faith, nor were they expelled. It was said: a slip. Crisis management distinguishes between betrayal and a slip under pressure, and this is a crucial political distinction.

7- He said: “They say, ‘If we had any say in the matter, we would not have been killed here’” (154). This prevented the creation of an internal conspiracy theory: the discourse of “If we had been consulted, this would not have happened” began. The Quran did not suppress it, but rather addressed it with doctrinal analysis: “Say, ‘Even if you had been in your homes, those for whom death was decreed would have gone forth’” (3:17). That is, do not reduce the event to a narrow political interpretation that becomes inflated by exaggerating the “sole culprit theory.”

8- He said: “And do not think that those who were killed in the cause of Allah are dead” (169–171), thus abolishing the exploitation of martyrs for political gain. He reframed the loss within a broader and more noble context, for this is a tool of sound policy that does not allow bloodshed to become a commodity for emotional exploitation (gloating) or (one-upmanship).

Therefore, we say here that supporting the state means supporting it when it is right, just as we protect it from its mistakes. Criticizing it means wanting it to thrive, so we criticize it both positively and negatively, not becoming instruments of destruction and demolition. This is because loyalty is not mere applause, and freedom is not insult. And it is wise to do so. To speak the truth while fearing for the sake of the nation… not for its own benefit, nor against it. For the most dangerous threat to nations after their birth is not external enemies, but rather internal strife over the fate of their ship, causing it to sail against its sails. For it is then that criticism turns to gloating, and defense to denial, fracturing society. And there is always someone waiting for this moment of division to infiltrate.

The safety valve of this nation is not security alone, nor enthusiasm alone. Its safety valve is an awareness that distinguishes between those who reform and those who lie in wait or exploit the situation, between those who protect the state and those who seek refuge within it or plot against it.

We want a nation that does not fear its own people, nor hide behind slogans. We want a public that does not revel in destruction, nor sanctify error. A nation that listens grows, and a people that matures protects it, for between blind anger and blind loyalty, nations are lost.

We, the people of Syria today, must not be divided into two opposing camps, but rather a single fortress, its stones diverse yet united in protecting the homeland.

Yesterday, the world celebrated love—whether we agree with it or not—perhaps we Syrians should redefine it from our Syrian perspective.

For love is not a fleeting emotion, nor blind loyalty, nor defense without accountability. True love is protecting the one you love from their mistakes as much as from their enemies, safeguarding them from their whims as much as striving for their aspirations, and always speaking to them only the truth, even if it is bitter.

For if we truly love our homeland, we will not...Let our anger subside, and let us not surrender it to justify ourselves, for love that does not protect is not love, but rather a desire to possess.

Ayman Qasim al-Rifai - Zaman al-Wasl

Dead do not complain: When justice fails

Sun, 15 Feb 2026 12:26:00 +0300

Restricting the pursuit of justice in the post-totalitarian era to individual complaints and personal evidence is not merely a procedural deficiency; it undermines the very concept of justice and implicitly exonerates systematic crime. History, jurisprudence, and international law all affirm one truth: when a crime is state policy, accountability must be the responsibility of the state.

First: Lessons from History (Nuremberg to Argentina)

Modern justice has not been based on the individual efforts of victims, but rather on the will of the successor regimes to cleanse society:

- Nuremberg Trials: Membership in repressive apparatuses (such as the SS and Gestapo) was considered sufficient evidence for prosecution. Not every victim who disappeared in the crematoria was required to file a complaint; orders, documents, and positions served as evidence.

- The Argentine and South African Experiences: These relied on opening archives and systematic confessions. The state possesses the evidence (the archives), and the victim possesses the pain. It is unjust to burden the victim with extracting evidence from the perpetrators' dungeons.

Second: The Legal Foundation (Umar's Policy and Ali's Approach)

Justice in Islam was not a "waiting justice" but a "proactive justice":

- Accountability based on suspicion: Umar ibn al-Khattab's dismissal of governors (such as Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas) was not contingent upon conclusive criminal proof, but rather upon "public complaints" and a loss of trust, prioritizing the interests of the nation.

- The jurisprudence of banditry and corruption: Systematic torture and enforced disappearance constitute "corruption on earth" and are among the limits set by God. The legal principle states that "public rights are not forfeited by the silence of individuals," and punishments are carried out as soon as the ruler becomes aware of the crime, regardless of the plaintiff's claim.

Third: The Legal and Logical Characterization (Where are the black boxes?)

It is illogical to require the "murdered" victim to be present to file a complaint against their killer, or the "disappeared" person to identify their captor. Adopting the principle of "complaint first" leads to:

- The impunity of the major criminals: those who ordered mass killings without the victims knowing their names.

- Transforming a public crime into a private dispute: as if systematic torture were merely a "brawl" between two individuals.

The legal obligations required of the Ministry of Justice:

- Establishing functional responsibility: Anyone who held a leadership position in a security branch or military prison is considered guilty by virtue of their position until proven innocent (reversing the burden of proof).

- Retrieving the criminal archives: Every security branch has "black boxes" (daily records, arrest warrants, "died during interrogation" reports). The absence of these files constitutes the crime of "concealing evidence," which necessitates the prosecution of those in charge of these branches.

The Ministry of Justice's duty today is to initiate a "public prosecution" against the structure of oppression, not just its individuals. Transitional justice is not complete with judges who were yesterday tools in the system of injustice, but rather with an independent public prosecution that considers "documented videos, testimonies of defectors, and reports of international organizations" as sufficient official evidence to proceed with cases.

Confining justice to the corner of "personal complaints" is a recycling of crime under the guise of legality.

Ministers and Directors: Unjustly Squandering the President's Reserve

Zaman Al Wasl — Fri, 06 Feb 2026 20:20:00 +0300

The President of the Republic enjoys considerable support in the minds and hearts of Syrians. However, this "strategic reserve" of affection and patience is not immune to erosion. Today, it is being systematically depleted, not only by external adversaries but also by "sons of the house"—ministers, directors, and executive officials.

The Policy of Daily "Depletion"

The Syrian citizen, who has withstood the most severe crises, now finds himself facing a different kind of front: the front of impulsive decisions. When decisions are made to raise electricity or basic commodity prices without a genuine study of the social impact, or when administrative appointments surprise us with individuals whose only qualifications are narrow loyalty or nepotism, the message received by the public is one of contempt.

These officials, by failing to devise real solutions and resorting to the citizen's pocket as the sole means to cover the deficit, are unjustly squandering the President's "reserve." They place the leadership at the forefront of public blame, hiding behind the cloak of the state while, in reality, they are emptying the concept of the state of its service-oriented and ethical content.

Appointments: The Black Hole in the Body of Institutions

The danger of ill-considered appointments (both external and internal) is no less than the danger of price hikes.

An "incompetent" official is like a landmine within the institution; they not only fail to manage effectively but also kill hope in the hearts of truly competent individuals, creating a sense of alienation between citizens and their institutions. The "reputation" we are talking about is not preserved through slogans, but rather by placing the right person in the right position and by publicly holding accountable anyone who tampers with the people's livelihood.

Curbing the Unbridled

Protecting the president's "reputation" in the hearts of Syrians is not achieved through ready-made media justifications, but rather by curbing arbitrary decisions. Syrians today need an "administrative revolution" that will deal firmly with the inefficiency of ministers and the floundering of directors.

The Syrian people's patience is immense, but it is not a blank check for incompetent officials to tamper with the very foundations of life. Protecting this legacy begins with holding accountable everyone who signs a decision that burdens the people, and everyone who chooses a manager based on connections rather than competence.

Social media influencers who have appointed themselves the mouthpiece of the presidency

We must also mention another type of exploitation practiced by those who "invest" in this legacy—the small and large-scale profiteers of social media. These individuals have appointed themselves guardians of Syrian consciousness, claiming to be the "voice" of the presidency and the exclusive interpreter of every word or even gesture emanating from it. These online "whales" not only trivialize national issues but also contribute to widening the gap through exclusionary language and flimsy justifications for flawed decisions, making them an additional burden on the public's support instead of a true reflection of the street's pulse and suffering.

By Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli

Families of missing need to know sons fate

Thu, 05 Feb 2026 16:06:00 +0300

A year and two months after the fall of the Assad regime, thousands of Syrian families remain trapped in that deadly gray area: no confirmed news, no complete truth, not even a single official narrative to lean on in their exhausted state.

The Commission for the Missing, which is supposed to be the compassionate face of the state in the most agonizing cases, has yet to move beyond mere "reception" to "disclosure." All we see are general statements, postponed promises, and dry, bureaucratic language that chills the heart and is utterly incompatible with the burning anguish in the hearts of mothers and fathers.

The victim's family has the right to ask questions: Where was my son killed? In which branch? When? And under whose responsibility?

We cannot expect the families of victims to file complaints or navigate complex legal procedures when they are denied their most basic right: knowledge.

The file of those who died under torture is not merely a technical matter, nor an archive to be postponed, nor an administrative burden to be discarded. It is the first and truest moral and political test for the new state. What is needed now is the immediate release of available information: preliminary lists, branch names, approximate dates, and a structure of responsibility, even if incomplete.

The question also extends, with deep sorrow, to human rights organizations.

These organizations fill the public sphere with studies, reports, and methodologies, yet they always freeze at the most painful point: names.

We read lengthy reports, well-organized charts, and rigorous documentation methodologies, but we find no names of the victims, no clear identification of the perpetrators, and no direct link between the killing and its perpetrator. Death under torture is reduced to mere "numbers," and the tragedy is reframed in cold language reminiscent of the official circles these organizations are supposed to monitor, not imitate.

The question here is legitimate, and very painful:

Is this what the victims' families are waiting for? Are they waiting for a new study? Another documentation bulletin? Or a working paper presented at a prestigious international conference, while the mother sits at home, not even knowing in which basement her son perished?

When human rights work is divorced from the families' right to certainty, it transforms from a tool for accountability into a mere bureaucratic exercise, utterly ineffective.

No one is calling for a departure from professional standards, but between the prevailing silence and responsible reporting lies a vast, uncharted territory.

The families of the victims are not seeking academic descriptions of their suffering; they are seeking a name, a place, and someone responsible.

Between a missing persons agency that fears to speak out and human rights organizations that are content with mere documentation, the victims remain suspended in limbo—neither alive, awaiting their return, nor recognized martyrs whose memory we honor and whose cases we close.

And therein lies the danger.

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Targeting Damascus through media: Free service to new Syria enemies

Tue, 03 Feb 2026 11:44:00 +0300

The repeated attacks on Damascus and its people by certain content creators affiliated with the regime, whom ordinary people call "the mouthpiece of the new government," are incomprehensible. This is where the danger lies.

The rhetoric began with attacks on the Kurdish community, then moved to mocking Syrian rituals and personal customs. Today, it has reached the point of targeting Damascus, its security, and its people. The situation is no longer tolerable. What is happening appears to be an internal dismantling of what the new Syria is trying to build.

Perhaps the new regime hasn't yet noticed these individuals, nor realized that they present themselves as its representatives. Their negative influence is clear. Their posts during every crisis and every incident damage state institutions before they damage the people. They promote a discourse that suggests "these are the orders," fueling division instead of containing it.

How can we accept language that degrades people's dignity and uses crude descriptions that wouldn't even be uttered in private, let alone on public platforms followed by hundreds of thousands? This kind of discourse doesn't build a state. It destroys trust. It weakens national unity.

Damascus and its people were at the forefront of the revolution. They paid a heavy price. Thousands of young men from Qaboun, Rukn al-Din, Jobar, and other areas were killed under torture between 2011 and 2014 for their principled stances, just as happened in other Syrian cities. Damascus was not a bystander. It shared in the pain and the responsibility.

The demand is clear: state intervention. Holding accountable those who abuse the people and incite division. Protecting the public sphere from hate speech and political bullying. This is not a luxury. It is a prerequisite for stability.

A word to the president who loves Damascus:

Nothing has harmed the new regime as much as the dozens of sycophants on social media. These people are a political and media burden. Their continued presence means continued attrition.

Hussein al-Shishakli

The Voice of Syria in America: Why is Jihad Makdissi the most difficult and convincing choice?

Thu, 29 Jan 2026 12:18:00 +0300

In the corridors of Syrian politics and in the salons of the elite concerned with public affairs, the name of former Syrian Foreign Ministry spokesman Jihad Makdissi has resurfaced, raising thorny questions about "the standards of patriotism" and "the jurisprudence of interests."

The man who defected (at the end of 2012) and left Damascus in protest against the military option finds himself today caught in a double crossfire: from remnants of the old regime who consider him a traitor, and from a segment of "New Syria" that cannot forgive his past official duties.

There is no doubt that Makdissi, 51, possesses the tools of a "modern diplomat": fluent English, a deep understanding of the intricacies of international politics, and a charisma that many figures of the former traditional opposition lacked. These are precisely the qualities Syria needs in Washington—the center of global decision-making—to persuade the American administration on complex and sensitive issues.

However, this approach runs up against a psychological and political obstacle: the "system complex." The question on everyone's mind is: How can we entrust someone who was once a voice for the regime with representing a revolution that rose up against it?

The great paradox in the current Syrian scene lies in a kind of "double standard." While we are witnessing "reconciliation" processes with figures who continued to defend the regime until its collapse or decline, Maqdisi, who took a moral and political stance by defecting early in late 2012, is being persecuted.

This contradiction leads us to a fundamental question:

- If we were all, as a social and institutional structure, part of the "Assad state" before we revolted against it, why are technocrats and experts denied the right to "political dissent" and to work for the benefit of a new Syria?

- Can Syria afford to exclude highly qualified experts at a time when the country needs every diplomatic mind capable of deciphering the codes of the international community?

In American political circles, success is not measured by the "purity" of a revolutionary record as much as it is by the ability to persuade and achieve common interests.

Jihad Makdissi, with his diplomatic background, represents a "common language" understood by the White House and the US State Department. Excluding him based on emotional stances could mean losing a significant Syrian voice in the capital of decision-making.

In short, the debate surrounding Makdissi is not so much about him personally as it is about the identity of Syria's future: Will it be a state based on "revolutionary power-sharing" and exclusion, or a state of "institutions and competence" that embraces its citizens who have sided with the people, regardless of their professional history?

Zaman al-Wasl

From Istanbul consulate to Berlin embassy, the minister's son stirs controversy again

Thu, 29 Jan 2026 04:32:00 +0300

In a move that has raised widespread questions among Syrians abroad, Mohammed Baraa Shukri, son of the Minister of Religious Endowments, Mohammed Abu al-Khair Shukri, has been appointed as the chargé d'affaires of the Syrian Embassy in Berlin, Germany.

This appointment comes at a time when the wave of criticism surrounding his performance during his tenure as head of the Consular and Expatriate Affairs Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has yet to subside.

Rapid Promotions and Questions About Competence

Shukri's biography reveals remarkable career leaps. After graduating from Sabahattin Zaim University in Istanbul (Bachelor's degree in 2019 and Master's degree in 2022), he quickly found himself at the helm of sensitive diplomatic portfolios.

From Director of the Consular Department to Director of the European Department in May 2025, he now represents Syria in one of Europe's most important capitals.

This rapid rise has revived criticisms leveled at the Foreign Ministry's selection process after the revolution, with Syrians questioning whether nepotism or family ties to officials (such as his father, the Minister of Religious Endowments) have become the criteria that supersede diplomatic competence and field experience.

In recent months, Mohammed Baraa Shukri's name has been linked to the chaotic situation at the Syrian consulate in Istanbul. According to Zaman al-Wasl's investigations and accounts from citizens, this period was characterized by:

- The unchecked power of middlemen: Appointments were impossible to book through the official website, while they were readily available through intermediaries for exorbitant fees.

- Mismanagement: Long queues and humiliating treatment of those seeking appointments led some to describe the situation as a revival of the former regime's methods of disregarding the dignity of Syrians.

- A lack of transparency: The consular administration under his supervision was accused of failing to devise technical or administrative solutions to alleviate the suffering of thousands of Syrians in Turkey. The Berlin Challenge: Diplomacy Under Scrutiny

Shukri travels today to Berlin, home to the largest Syrian community in Europe and a sensitive political center of gravity.

Observers believe that appointing someone whose name has been associated with administrative failures in Istanbul could send a negative message to Syrians in Germany. And the question remains: does he speak German?

Al-Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Syria as Industrial Nation: A Prescription for Radical Reform

Zaman Al Wasl — Mon, 05 Jan 2026 09:03:00 +0300

The policy of patching up laws, amending legislation, and delving into the labyrinth of executive regulations to modify them is futile. What is required is surgical, comprehensive excision. All laws enacted by the former defunct regime must be completely eradicated. We must build a new legal framework that includes clear executive regulations, compatible with the astounding development witnessed in the civilized industrial world, especially in encouraging technological industries and energy.

What is the difference between us and Malaysia, Taiwan, or even Vietnam that prevents us from manufacturing a mobile phone, a simple engine, or a solar panel? There is absolutely no difference. The problem lies first in the will, and then in the management. If these two elements are achieved, Syria could very easily become a civilized industrial country. We must change the path; we must innovate.

In Syria, there is no pure national industry. Since the 1970s, the plan was set and executed to the letter—and the result has been achieved. Yes, achieved: Syria has become a country that buys many times more than it sells. That was the scheme, and it succeeded. The destruction of national industry and the economy has been accomplished. Enough talk about protecting national industry; there is no pure national industry in Syria.

The world is manufacturing intelligence, while we are still manufacturing illusion and ruin. We still insist on banning ready-made, cheap imports, yet we allow fragmented imports to be assembled, mixed, or converted to become expensive, "ready-made national" products. Do you remember the "Import Rationalization" policy? Let me explain what it was: The former regime would ban the import of an automatic washing machine, for example, under the pretext that there were factories producing similar machines. However, it allowed these very factories to import the same washing machine in parts (disassembled) under the label of "industrial allocations"—not for trade—so they could assemble it, sell it, give it a brand name, and market it as "Made in Syria."

An industry that relies entirely on imported raw materials cannot be described as national. Show me one national industrial product whose components are locally manufactured. There is none. All factories import all components separately, reassemble, mix, or convert them, then market or export them under the label of Syrian industry. This means that anyone who claims that national industry saves foreign currency and relieves pressure on the exchange rate is mistaken.

This is the reality of most industries in Syria. Additionally, even when there are raw materials produced by nature, the former regime did not encourage adding value to them. Instead, it exported them in their raw state, as was the case with cotton, which was exported raw, or phosphate, which was and still is exported raw. This indicates that the former regime did not encourage establishing factories that would use these materials for local manufacturing; rather, it exported them cheaply in their raw form and re-imported them back to us at multiples of the price as various finished products.

How do we make Syria an industrial country? This question is answered through this extensive research article, directed at those concerned with industrial affairs, and specifically addressed to the officials managing industrial affairs in the Syrian Ministry of Economy and Industry. This research describes the reality of industry during the rule of the former regime and contains proposals and solutions for exiting this miserable reality.

First: Diagnosis

All Syrian factories depend on imported materials and components. All factories have approved "allocations" lists from their relevant industrial directorate. These allocations are essentially permits allowing the factory owner to import them. It is important to note that an industrialist who imports these raw material allocations is not permitted to sell or trade them; they must enter them into their production process, and they are considered in violation if they trade or dispose of them otherwise. I provide this information to demonstrate that the industrialist has the privilege of import capability. This means that the industrialist not only depends on imported materials but also enjoys protective power that allows them to practice importing. This in itself shows us that the local product is a disassembled imported foreign product, practically no different from its similar foreign counterpart except that the former is labeled "Made in Syria" and the latter "Made in [another country]."

This truth applies to everything we see in the markets labeled as "local products" that the state must protect, and which we are not allowed to import similar items for, or at least must impose high customs duties on their counterparts to increase their market entry cost. Unfortunately, this is the reality of local products, starting from engineering industries like refrigerators, washing machines, electrical appliances, motorcycles, cars, and others. These carry nothing national in their name except the name of the factory owner who imports their components, from the engine down to the power switch.

Can you imagine, for example, that in 2005, Syria had a national car factory producing a car called "Sham"? This factory imported every component of the car without exception, including the tires it would inflate after assembly, then market it. The fallen president would boast, ride it at the factory site, and announce its launch as the "pride of Syrian industry." This is the industry of illusion and ruin.

As for the pharmaceutical industries, considered advanced in Syria, they also depend entirely on imported raw materials for all their components. The painful fact is that there is not a single factory in Syria that produces even one antibiotic, vitamin, excipient, or even a fever reducer, despite the fact that many countries produce and export them to us, like India or Pakistan—countries not scientifically or cognitively superior to Syria.

All of this, of course, is due to the backward and destructive approach adopted by the builders of Syria's economy since the 1970s. Wretched is this policy and wretched are those who devised and planned it—that policy which prevented Syrians from establishing a real, complete national industry from A to Z. This former regime prevented Syrians from keeping pace with the civilized world, which developed its industries and research centers. In Syria, there is no scientific research center providing studies specific to any industry.

Even the clothing industry now has all its components imported, from thread and fabric to buttons, zippers, and pins. I must not forget food industries like sugar and vegetable oil, where these two materials are imported raw in thousands of tons and millions of dollars, to be refined and purified in so-called sugar and oil factories monopolized by influential figures and "whales," built on the ruins of real sugar factories that relied on sugar beets. All of this is thanks to the destructive economic policy practiced by the former regime since the 1990s.

In Syria today, there is not a single primary pharmaceutical material industry. All drug factories would halt if their supply of antibiotics, excipients, or production requirements stopped. The same applies to all chemical industries. Consider that the manufacture of plastic plates or chairs is classified as a chemical industry in the lists of the Syrian Ministry of Industry. I am not exaggerating when I say that even food industries like poultry and canned goods contain nothing national in their components, starting from feed and medicine to agricultural seeds, preservatives, fertilizers, and pesticides. All of it is imported, even packaging materials like cardboard and ink. Imagine the meaning of the word "imported" and the hard currency it costs, estimated in billions.

The entire Syrian economy is based on imports, starting with its industrial sector. Unfortunately, there is no factory in Syria that relies on local materials in its production, including mineral water factories. As for public sector factories, it's a tragedy not worth detailing: Kanar tissues factory, pencil factories, canned goods factories, Ceronix, Sar detergents, dairy and cheese factories, a minibus factory in Homs, a screens factory in Al-Qaboun, and many other absurdities. All their contents are imported, including the flavoring put in biscuits or gum, not to mention that the former regime wasted prime real estate locations in city centers by establishing them with negligible development.

Ironically, even these industries were restricted to the "whales" and cronies. The fallen regime set conditions for their establishment that only his cronies could meet. If ordinary people managed to implement them, it required years of extortion and bureaucracy to obtain the license. And if the project succeeded, all regulatory bodies would pounce to either sabotage it or force partnership. This pushed many investors to emigrate and stay away. Below are some of these decisions:

Factories may only be established in industrial cities, allegedly for organizational purposes.
Bulletin No. 10 grants the industrialist an annually renewable grace period to relocate their factory, under the threat of demolition.
Law No. 21 of 1958 remains the decisive authority for licensing, in addition to other approvals: security, Ministry of Defense, Agriculture, Environment, Water Resources.

Countless approvals, and in the end, you obtain a temporary license in which you pledge to relocate the factory later. All of this is just for the license, and we haven't even reached the stage of construction or importing production lines and raw materials. And you can imagine the complexity of reaching the production stage, followed by the need for connections to obtain allocations, then dealing with finance, social security, customs, and securing import permits. A long and complex journey only endurable by the patient and those with influence. This is the true reality of the industrial work journey in Syria, which remains in effect to this day.

Second: Solutions

Encourage the local manufacturing of primary raw materials and grant easy licenses for it.
Abolish the specific Industry Law of 1958 and issue modern laws compatible with global development.
Completely cancel Executive Instruction No. 3294 of 1998 and avoid delving into its amendments.
Encourage the establishment of industrial projects delving into the world of medicine, especially primary materials.
Encourage modern industries in the fields of energy and technology, and grant advantages like tax exemptions or zero-interest loans, while moving away from traditional industries that rely on imports.
Allow the shadow economy to thrive by not pursuing small manufacturers and workshop owners, letting them operate until conditions improve, to facilitate livelihoods, focusing monitoring only on fraud and deceit.

How do we make Syria an industrial country?

When industry becomes accessible to ordinary people and not monopolized by the wealthy.
When innovators and inventors have a seat at the table among the active participants in building the country, rather than those seats being reserved only for those with influence and connections.
And finally, and most importantly: When we Syrians become sellers more than buyers.

By Issam Al-Tizini

Which Syria does the new banknote reflect? Questions of symbolism and identity

Zaman Al Wasl — Tue, 30 Dec 2025 17:09:00 +0300

Banknote is not merely neutral paper as it may appear on the surface, nor is it simply an exchange tool whose value is measured solely by what it can buy in the market. Rather, at one of its deepest levels, it is a silent discourse of the state—a complex message directed inward before outward. Through it, the state declares how it sees itself, how it understands its history, and what image it wishes to settle in the consciousness of its citizens. Therefore, examining any new currency should not be limited to the aesthetics of design or the modernity of printing, but must go beyond that to question the symbol, its connotations, and what it invokes or overlooks from memory, humanity, and history.

Nevertheless, the most crucial meaning must be affirmed above all: we pray to God that the value of this currency in the Syrian economy, in people's daily lives, and in its purchasing power will be better than its artistic and symbolic value. Recent and distant history have taught us that currencies are not saved by design, embellishment does not repair an economy, and the true test of any currency lies in its tangible impact on livelihood, not its visual image. However, this realistic understanding does not negate our right to critically examine the symbol, because the symbol—even in moments of economic collapse—remains an active element in shaping public consciousness.

What is striking in the design of the new currency is its almost complete reliance on general natural symbols: plants, fruits, crops. These are beautiful symbols in themselves; they do not provoke anyone, do not embarrass any discourse, do not open confrontational questions, and could be currency for several countries sharing these natural commonalities. Yet this “aesthetic neutrality” raises a deeper question: Is it an intentional simplification to reassure everyone, a lack of mature symbolic vision, or a conscious or unconscious tendency to neutralize civilizational meaning in one of the most important symbols of sovereignty?

For nature, when separated from humanity, becomes a silent landscape. Olives, wheat, cotton, and mulberries, despite their presence in Syrian land, are not exclusively Syrian symbols, nor do they form a civilizational centrality specific to Syria; they are widespread across many geographies, and some did not historically originate in Syria. At this point, the question becomes legitimate: On what basis is the Syrian symbol being diminished in the currency, transformed from a central civilizational symbol into a general natural sign that says little about the humans who made history on this land?

The paradox is that the problem is not in choosing nature, but in the absence of humanity. The Syrian human is absent here—not as an image, but as a historical actor. It is as if the currency says: this is fertile land, but it does not say who planted it, who wove its fabric, who plowed it, or who transformed its raw materials into civilization. Whereas history—as Ibn Khaldun teaches us—is not merely material development, but accumulated human action, produced by hands, minds, and values together.

The symbol could have moved beyond plants to something deeper without being confrontational or ideological. For example, the weaver of brocade—the world's oldest and most expensive fabric made from mulberry—could have been invoked, not as luxurious cloth, but as the memory of a human industry deeply rooted in history, which carried Syria’s name to palaces worldwide. The Syrian farmer could have appeared, not abstract wheat, holding the first sickle in history, bearing witness to the civilization of agriculture and Syria’s human role within it. All the symbols used could have connected hand with labor, human with land, history with daily life, without the need for direct slogans or speeches.

Previously, Syrian currency linked its symbols to antiquities—and despite any observations about this—it clearly said: here is civilization. Today, a further step could have been taken: from stone to human, from silent artifact to living action, from frozen past to moving history. For civilizations are not built by ruins alone, but by the people who built them, protected them, passed them on, and then paid the price for their survival.

This is not a biased reading, nor a final judgment, but a quiet attempt to raise necessary questions about the meaning of symbols in a civilizationally troubled time. Currency, ultimately, is a mirror. And if it reflects excessive neutrality, fear of meaning, or a simplification that empties the symbol of its human essence, then it is our right to question—not to be accused.

Yes, the utmost priority is for the currency to regain its economic value and become a tool of stability, not an additional burden on people. But in parallel, it is no less important to restore its symbolic value as a carrier of identity, not merely colored paper. For Syria is not only a natural landscape, nor a silent land, but a dense human experience. And when humanity is absent from the currency, the question remains open: What image do we wish to fix in consciousness, and what history do we choose to tell in silence?

Ayman Qassem Al-Rifai

When demography rejects the federalism of illusions

Zaman Al Wasl — Tue, 30 Dec 2025 16:55:00 +0300

Syrian demography is not a marginal footnote in some report by an observatory that has professionalized falsehood, nor is it some ignorant collection of superstitions from books of illogic. Neither is this demography a map to be dissected with a scalpel according to the whims of weaponry and the moment. Rather, it is a dense history of intertwinement, interaction, and even at times forced coexistence—a mixing that was never an exception in our history but a fate.

Therefore, we must speak today, openly and without linguistic evasion or political niceties, because what is cooked in the shadows feeds more on delusion than on facts, and springs from water tainted with intellectual before national betrayal.

It is no secret that there exists an undeclared alliance of sorts among the proponents of canton and regional projects. They converge in their hostility toward the center, not in a vision for the state. They present secession in the guise of federalism and sell partition as prudent management of diversity. However, the matter is far more complex than some naive individuals imagine, those who think these entities are viable or represent a logical solution that satisfies the power fantasies and greed of some.

Apart from the ethical question regarding the legitimacy of federations built on sectarian or ethnic foundations, we find not even a logical or solid demographic ground upon which these entities could be established without turning into explicit precursors to a civil war, whose biggest losers would be the very advocates of that partition. History has shown this, and I do not think we are an exception to the history of peoples.

A temporary feeling of power, the dominance of weapons, or external protection has driven some to deny the simplest facts: the population ratios in Syrian provinces do not produce absolute majorities—neither ethnic nor religious—in the sense promoted by regional advocates. On the Syrian coast, for example, the dominance of the fleeing regime has created the illusion of a majority, not due to demographic reality, but through a network of privileges that made members of a specific sect predominant in hospitals, schools, directorates, security, and the army. Privilege has replaced census, and power has disavowed demography.

In eastern Syria, one needs little sense to realize the absurdity of talking about a "region" based on occupying entire provinces, when those imposing control do not constitute even one percent of the population of Raqqa or large parts of Deir ez-Zor, for instance. It is an equation of coercion, not partnership; the dominance of arms, not a social contract.

As for As-Suwayda, the question here is almost sarcastic: what federation could possibly be established in a mountainous, enclosed area, lacking state or economic foundations, unless it were a federation of apples and grapes? A fragile agricultural entity intended to perform a political function greater than its size? But the gravest danger lies not in the confined geography, but in the behavior of those leading the "regional" scene; they are not building a governance project, but small kingdoms of repression, whose features we see in their dealings with their own people before others: assassinations, liquidations, from "al-Matni" to others, and the complete displacement of the Bedouin in As-Suwayda en masse. Those not displaced fell victim to kidnapping or murder, as happened with "al-Taha" and his wife, "al-Hamoud," and others. This is not self-administration, but modern fiefdoms run by fear.

What is truly astonishing is that those running canton projects demand nothing but federalism and federalism alone, at a time when the winds seem favorable for any legitimate demands: cultural rights, religious rights, or specific constitutional amendments that could be discussed within the framework of a single state. This singular insistence on cantonization is not innocent; rather, it is evidence that the goal is to create strongholds for warlords, managed as private farms, not as communities of citizens.

Numbers do not lie or forge, and statistics are available for those who wish to see. The question intentionally ignored by regional advocates is: Will these cantons be good news for members of those ethnicities and sects residing in Damascus, for example, or in other cities? What about Jaramana, Sahnaya, Rukn al-Din, Ash al-Warwar, and dozens of others? Can these people sell their properties, uproot their lives, to live under sole rule in paper kingdoms that cannot even accommodate their own children? Or are these to be East and West Berlins and walls of isolation that the world forgot long ago, which some want to reproduce in a land already suffering immensely?

In the end, there will be no federalism nor independent cantons, only dreams and political recklessness. Their function is to improve the bargaining conditions of the Syrian state with its surroundings by weakening it to the utmost, then cursing it when it makes a concession. The irony is that these concessions, when they come, are only the direct fruit of their own misdeeds. This is how the game is played: fragmentation in the name of rights, blackmail in the name of victimhood, while the permanent loser is Syrian society in all its spectrums and even contradictions—a society that never needed new walls as much as it needs a single, just state.

Mohamed Abu Jawa

Druze militias: From a local threat to complex regional dangers

Zaman Al Wasl — Thu, 25 Dec 2025 07:54:00 +0300

The phenomenon of the Israeli-backed Druze Hijri militias has transcended the local framework within which it was long categorized. What we are witnessing now is not merely the proliferation of weapons outside state control, but a qualitative shift towards the formation of an organized criminal structure. This structure has transformed from an internal security threat into a transnational entity, with drug trafficking as its backbone and source of funding.

These groups have moved beyond the stage of posing a direct internal security threat to creating a shadow criminal economy reliant on international smuggling networks. This places neighboring countries—especially Jordan, given its long and rugged borders—at the height of an increasing danger. This danger is not limited to occasional security breaches, but extends to systematic targeting that benefits from the protection afforded by these militias' areas of influence.

It is now noticeable that smuggling attempts across the borders are no longer individual or random acts, but rather are carried out with professional methods that reflect logistical and administrative planning, indicating the existence of a comprehensive criminal infrastructure. This transformation makes confronting them a complex challenge, requiring a deeper understanding of their funding network and their cross-border penetration.

On the political level, the continued activity and expansion of these militias indicates the failure of local containment strategies, gradually transforming them into a tool that regional actors may use to destabilize the region. On the media level, fragmented coverage or downplaying their threat paves the way for their growth and expansion.

In conclusion, dealing with the al-Hijri militias is no longer a local issue concerning a single state. The threat has become regional, and the solution, therefore, must also be regional: through effective security and intelligence cooperation, and political coordination that prioritizes cutting off funding sources—especially drug trafficking—before this criminal entity becomes a permanent reality threatening the security of the entire region.

Kinan ibn al-Jabal

Has the right of parents to know the fate of their children turned into a cybercrime?

Zaman Al Wasl — Mon, 15 Dec 2025 22:30:00 +0300

At the heart of any state that claims to respect human rights lies the family's right to know the fate of their loved ones—an absolute and non-negotiable right. But in our country, this fundamental right seems to have suddenly been transformed into a digital trap, threatening its holders with imprisonment and fines.

The question that should shake the foundations of official institutions, especially the Ministry of Justice, is: On what specific legal article did you base the classification of publishing a document concerning the fate of a detainee or missing person as a "cybercrime"?

When a reputable media outlet or a grieving family publishes an official document—be it an execution order, a harsh sentence, or proof of existence—they are not committing a crime, but rather exercising their last remaining right to protest and reveal the truth. Yet, it seems the legal system is more interested in prosecuting and criminalizing families who publish these documents than in holding accountable those responsible for concealing the fate of these individuals.

Will a mother who publishes a photo of her son's execution order be prosecuted? Or the journalist who published the names of the bodies in the Al-Mujtahid Hospital morgue in 2014 was imprisoned! This question isn't hypothetical; it's a dangerous indicator of a reversal of priorities: instead of opening the doors to transparency, they are being slammed shut with "Beware of the law."

Closed Doors and Silent Funding

It's infuriating to see the doors completely shut to families searching for a glimmer of hope or official information about the fate of their loved ones. Where are the state's responsibilities towards these citizens?

Amid this shameful official silence, another poignant question arises: What is the role of civil society organizations that receive millions in European funding specifically to help these families? Why do these organizations remain silent, or content themselves with "silent documentation" without publicly and effectively publishing this data and information, given that the substantial funding is intended for disclosure and accountability?

The ministries' silence on providing clarification, and the organizations' silence on publishing, creates an environment of deliberate obfuscation that serves the interests of concealing the truth and reduces human suffering to a mere statistic in an internal report.

It is time for the Ministry of Justice to stop terrorizing the families of the victims and answer clearly: Is your goal to reveal the fate or to criminalize the publishers?

Hussain Al-Shishakli

Political Isolation: A National Healing Gateway

Zaman Al Wasl — Wed, 01 Oct 2025 08:19:00 +0300

When people emerge from the furnace of wars and conflicts and their revolutions triumph, it is not enough for the sound of the cannons to be silenced for life to return to normal. There are wounds in memory and betrayals in history that cannot be restored by simply signing an agreement or exchanging apologies.

Justice is not revenge; it is a necessity for the oppressed to be reassured that their voice is heard, and for the executioner to realize that his time has passed, irrevocably.

Hence, the need for the Political Isolation Law stems from this imperative step. This step prevents the symbols of the former regime from returning to political life and gives society a chance to catch its breath, build its institutions, and regain its self-confidence.

Just five years is enough for the national body to be healed of the toxins of the past and for a new spirit to sprout within it, untainted by the grip of the Baath Party, the eyes of its security services, its executioners, and the ragtag group of hypocritical, chameleons, whose evil is no less than that of those who carried a rifle.

How many people have died because of a word, how many victims have fallen as a result of a complaint to the security services, and how many applause from these people has increased the killing and torture of the criminal Assad, who is a mentally ill, sadistic criminal.

We are not demanding the Nuremberg trials or gallows in public squares, but rather a minimum of justice. Those who did not defect from the executioner during times of crisis, and who continued to beautify their crimes and consolidate their rule, cannot be awarded the Medal of Patriotism today, nor can they be remarketed under the pretext of "working behind enemy lines."

Fourteen full years have passed, and they have not extended their hand to the people when they were falling martyred in the streets. So how can they now claim to have been coordinating from behind the scenes? That is a mirage-like illusion, pursued by the thirsty, only to find nothing but deception.

The most dangerous thing facing people emerging from tyranny is not only material ruin, but the danger of reproducing the executioners in new garb. When those with dirty hands are allowed to enter the present through the gate of politics, they do not enter alone. Rather, the entire past enters with them, with its tools, methods, and heavy odor.

There is no trust in those who betrayed the hour of trial. There is no covenant with those who mortgaged the homeland to remain so. Political isolation is not hatred; rather, it is love of the homeland and a desire to ensure that the state is built on sound foundations, not on the rubble of betrayal.

Just as wounds are cleansed before they heal, politics must be purged of the remnants of tyranny before democracy can be built. Otherwise, we will replant the seeds of destruction in a land that is still bleeding.

Establishing a clear law on political isolation is a national matter, and its enactment is a moral victory and a guarantee for the future.

Mohamed Rafa' Abu Hawa

How Laith Al-Balous protects the Druze of Syria

Sat, 23 Aug 2025 09:50:00 +0300

At a time when the mind of those who claimed to be the sole religious leader has strayed, and the basics of logic have been lost, the one who falsified wisdom and falsely assumed the cloak of reason now leads the scene.

He is Hikmat al-Hijri, who was Assad's godfather before someone whispered in his ear that he was headed for collapse. He maliciously disembarked from his ship two years ago, not out of a belief in rejecting injustice and crime, leading an entire sect into an algorithmic maze that has eluded all opinion-makers.

These are the scribbles of an ignorant gambler, whose only vision is its broken shadow and the illusions of power. This is al-Hijri, bound to a project that has morally brought him down, insisting on dragging the entire sect into his deep-seated pit. Yes, he has dragged the Druze—not just Sweida—to a dangerous turning point, embroiling them in a political game unbecoming of Syrians and unaligned with the hierarchy of principles that has woven our collective history.

This man insisted on transforming Sweida, a city that Syrians, before liberation, viewed as a sanctuary for revolutionaries and a beacon of freedom, into an arena of division and discord, a card tossed about by all but its own people.

In the past, and long after victory, a son of Daraa, Damascus, Homs, Latakia, and Hama, an immigrant from his homeland, would stand in Karama Square, chanting for freedom before returning home and seeing his family. This practice became a revolutionary tradition for many. At the time, al-Hijri would hammer nail after nail into a bridge built with the blood of Wahid al-Balous, whom he assassinated alongside Assad, not with the ink of treason written by Salman Hikmat al-Hijri while working with Assad's intelligence services, as documents attest.

How difficult it is for clerics to change their colors and transform from spiritual symbols into tools of tyranny, shattering the truth at its very doorstep. Hence, Laith al-Balous's stance was different: a voice screaming in the wilderness of fear and disagreement, carrying within his features a lifeline for a sect being bought and sold at the table of the political bazaar, using the currency of fear and division.

Laith al-Balous was nothing but the last rational outlet keeping the Druze body cohesive and connected to its authentic form and Syrian history, despite the knives waging war against it and deflecting the accusation of treason that al-Hijri insists on branding him with. He is the voice that reminds us that Sweida is not a single turban, nor is its decision-making limited to a religious military seal. Rather, it is the heartbeat of a people who once hung their flag over their wounds in Karama Square, and has no connection to al-Hijri's project, which tore the nation's flag with his seal in the General Staff building.

How cruel it is to see symbols of patriotism retreat, like Walid Jumblatt, at a moment when the sect needs someone to raise the banner of awareness, not the banner of the sect. How much you need a realistic person—if not a patriot—to spare a sect that al-Hijri likes to call a minority from being accused, not only in Syria, but across the country as a whole, stretching between wounds and bleeding, from our Arab surroundings to our occupied Ahwaz in the east. Nevertheless, hope still rests on those who have not sold their souls or compromised on the memory of a homeland.

So, people of Sweida, do not curse Laith al-Balous. In his voice, we have what remains of the beautiful memories of the revolution that unite us, and in his positions, there is what keeps you out of the quagmire of internal strife.

And remember that no matter how pessimistic you perceive the Damascus government, it will be incomparable to a cleric with a gambling mind who understands the level of social awareness after lean decades and society's general familiarity with blood and wounds, amid a deteriorating economic reality. Despite all this, he insists on dragging you into a gamble that only a criminal and a profiteer in his sect can initiate.

Don't rely on those who will negotiate with you cheaply, for the homeland is not for sale, and dignity is not bartered.

Sweida is protected by a revolutionary young man, adorned with awareness, and it is destroyed by an elderly sheikh living the dreams of emperors.

By Muhammad Rafi Abu Hawa

Zaman al-Wasl

Reinstating former military, criminal security, and traffic police is step toward enhancing stability

Fri, 22 Aug 2025 09:14:00 +0300

Months of monitoring events and the details of what's happening at the grassroots level have made it clear that changing the state's structure cannot be accomplished in one fell swoop, but rather requires a gradual and thoughtful process.

The new official human resources are suffering from a shortage in numbers and training, which requires the leadership to fill this gap with practical and swift decisions.

Reinstating military personnel who have not shed Syrian blood on their hands is a crucial step, provided that it is done through a clear mechanism that includes ranks from captain and below, and courses graduated in the last three years.

These individuals are capable of establishing security in various regions, rather than leaving them to face unemployment and poverty, which turns them into a time bomb that could explode at any moment.

The solution is simple: utilize them now, then retire them at the appropriate time.

The expertise of some members of the criminal security and traffic police can also be utilized, under strict conditions, especially those with technical expertise in fingerprinting, surveillance, and crime scene analysis. In parallel, training programs for the army and security forces must be accelerated, and efforts must be made to integrate tribal members into state institutions and transform them into a disciplined force. This will transform the entire security landscape.

As for the presence of foreigners in the army, the solution requires removing them from Syria and transferring them to areas bordering Turkey. They should be assigned specific tasks, such as border control, away from any internal role.

In all of this, the backgrounds of new recruits must be vetted and the process linked to a genuine transitional justice process that guarantees rights and restores confidence.

Syria needs bold decisions, but it also needs thoughtful steps that open the door to lasting stability.

Hussein al-Shishakli - Zaman al-Wasl

Idlib prisons crisis: Protecting the revolution begins with justice enforcement

Thu, 21 Aug 2025 03:01:00 +0300

"Your friend is he who tells you the truth." This wisdom applies today to the need to be honest about the experience and narrative of the revolution and the overthrow of Assad, and to protect it from deliberate distortion.

This protection begins with acknowledging the flaws in the prisons of Idlib and the areas known as "Northern Syria," which were run by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham before it dissolved.

Inside these prisons, a number of prisoners of conscience are still being held, arrested for participating in demonstrations or adopting positions that rejected Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham's policies.

This sensitive issue has become a winning card in the hands of those targeting the revolution, the new Syria, and its experience. The existence of these prisons is being exploited as a tool to undermine the state's credibility and pressure the government.

The challenge today requires a comprehensive review of the prison system in Idlib and its environs. The solution is not denial, but rather the immediate release of prisoners of conscience or their prosecution within a clear and fair legal process that guarantees their rights. It is also necessary to work to redress the harm done to all those who have been wronged, and to ensure that such violations are not repeated in the future.

Providing justice for the oppressed is not just a moral duty; it is a necessity to protect the revolutionary experience itself and prevent any attempts at infiltration or internal dismantling. A revolution that called for freedom and justice cannot be sustained by prisons housing political prisoners.

A Roadmap for Justice and Reparation

Ending this crisis is not limited to releasing a few individuals; it requires radical and transparent steps:

First: The immediate release of all prisoners of conscience who have not been clearly charged with criminal offenses, and the restoration of their dignity.

Second: For those with pending cases, trials must be public and fair, conducted according to a clear and independent legal process that guarantees their full rights to defense.

Third: Reparations must be made for all those who have been subjected to injustice and arbitrary detention, whether through financial compensation, psychological support, or social reintegration.

An Appeal to the Minister of the Interior

This is a plea from a citizen who does not aspire to a position or even an urgent passport. I call on you, as Minister of the Interior, to urgently address this issue. It is essential to preserve the dignity of the revolution and the state, which was founded for justice and freedom. The conscience of the revolution demands justice, and you are today in a position of responsibility to be the voice of this conscience. The revolution cannot continue while its heart is filled with prisons where the oppressed cry out.

We must heal the wounds of the past to build a future in which we are all united.

Hussein al-Shishakli - Zaman al-Wasl

Sweida's Independence: A Shady Sectarian Project by Israel

Fri, 15 Aug 2025 08:08:00 +0300

Lawyer Firas al-Shoufi proposed the idea of Sweida's independence during an interview on Al-Mashhad TV, raising questions that go beyond constitutional or sectarian debate and touch on the core of the complex geopolitical reality in the region. While al-Shoufi presents his vision of a "state" with a European constitution,

Observers believe this proposal could effectively become a "parasitic canton" subservient to Israel, transforming the political dream into a regional nightmare.

The first thing that is surprising is al-Shoufi's disregard for Sweida's demographic diversity. He focuses on the Druze sect, ignoring the approximately 30% of the population who are Bedouins. He also overlooks the human rights violations suffered by non-Druze Syrians, including mass graves and displacement.

This one-sided approach serves neither Sweida nor Syria; it merely reproduces the illusion of a "Druze state," while ignoring the region's history and diversity.

The talk of independence on screen seems easy, but practical implementation faces significant challenges:

- Economic weakness: Any small, isolated entity will be economically fragile and dependent on external support for survival.

- Security weakness: Given the presence of armed cells and figures implicated in war crimes, the new entity will be fragile in terms of security and will require external protection.

- Geopolitical dependency: Sweida's location makes any separatist project vulnerable to links with regional players, most notably Israel, threatening national sovereignty.

The idea of a "parasitic canton" is not merely a theory; it reflects real risks: A small entity on the Syrian border will become a permanent point of tension, threatening the stability of Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, deepening political divisions, and pitting the Druze against their surroundings, making them a tool for regional and international interests.

Ultimately, Al-Shoufi's rhetoric, despite its legal appearance, remains an empty sectarian argument. The debate over rights and self-rule turns into a desire to build a mono-sectarian state, far from reality, and its consequences could be dire for the entire region.

In conclusion, Al-Shoufi claims that Sweida has been outside Assad's rule since 2016. So, what are these massive security convoys that left the province on the day of liberation? And what about Assad's supporters, the killers of the Syrian people, who are protected by the "Hijra"?

Hussein Al-Shishakli - Zaman Al-Wasl

Sweida: Who has hospital surveillance recordings knows who killed 140 security personnel, Bedouins

Mon, 11 Aug 2025 12:12:00 +0300

The deadly violence at the Sweida hospital lasted approximately 48 hours (July 15-16). Surveillance cameras captured it, but only three minutes were released a month later. This leaves a whole series of events missing, most notably the killing and exhumation of 140 bodies belonging to General Security personnel and Bedouins.

The video's publisher chose to publicize the killing of a medical staff member—an undoubtedly reprehensible crime—while deliberately concealing the sequence of crimes committed by the Hijra militias in the same location. In doing so, he incriminated himself, as there is now documented footage of the events. The full truth could be revealed if the militias released the remaining footage covering the 48 hours, excluding the three minutes already shown—but I doubt it.

While the killings were rightly condemned, deeper suspicions now surround the burial of 140 unidentified bodies in a mass grave. Surveillance footage could identify their killers, or at least their identities.

The video was clearly politically weaponized, coinciding with yesterday's Security Council session. The distributor, who had withheld the footage for over a month, waited for the "right moment" to release it, ready to exploit even the victim's blood for narrative purposes.

A brief review of the timeline reveals that Internal Security Forces entered the hospital to find dozens of bodies belonging to the General Security and Badawi. Then came the Israeli airstrikes, forcing those forces to withdraw.

The killings in the hospital cannot be addressed in isolation or politically, because the obvious question remains: Who killed the others? And where is the rest of the 48-hour footage—minus the three minutes that were released?

Sequence of Events Over 48 Hours

- Al-Hijri's militias surrounded the hospital, claiming it housed members of the army and General Security (a claim made in several recorded clips).

- The militias then took control of the hospital, admitting they had "eliminated the individuals inside" (documented on video).

- Hours later, Syrian government forces took control of the hospital.

- The massacres and bodies inside—including civilians, Syrian security personnel, and soldiers—were later revealed (documented on video).

Government forces withdrew after Israeli raids, followed by a Turkish militia vehicle.

By Hussein al-Shishakli - Zaman al-Wasl

Is Israel the region’s new police?

Asharq Al-Awsat- Abdulrahman al-Rashed — Fri, 01 Aug 2025 19:57:36 +0300

Seven years ago, I wrote about the “regional rise of Israel.”

Today, its presence is greater than ever – it’s behind massive geopolitical changes in the aftermath of the October 7 attacks. After all this, how does Israel now view itself?

It’s unlikely that it will settle for its old role; it will seek political roles that reflect its military capabilities.

Tel Aviv maintained a policy for over half a century based on protecting its existence and its old and occupied borders. This included confronting Iran and manipulating opposing powers like the regimes of Saddam Hussein and Bashar al-Assad.

Today, Israel is launching a new phase after having dismantled the powers that surrounded it. For the first time in its modern history, there is no regional force declaring a threat against Israel and capable of acting on it. Even Iran, after the destruction of its offensive capabilities, cannot do so. This equation could change in the future if Iran manages to rebuild its internal and external strength, but for now, that seems unlikely or far off.

With changing circumstances, Israel’s strategy is also changing. It no longer wants to be just a border guard – it wants to be an offensive player in the region. The region itself is scattered, with no clear alliances, as if it’s waiting for someone to resolve its instability – including the Tehran axis, which has significantly shrunk.

There are two possibilities for what Israel could become. The first: it sees itself as a force to preserve the new status quo and “stability,” engaging peacefully with its neighbors by expanding relations with the rest of the Arab world. This would mean the end of the era of war and boycott. With the fall or weakening of regimes that opposed it, Israel would bolster its interests by entrenching the geopolitical situation, cleaning up its surroundings, and sidelining what’s left of movements hostile to it.

The second possibility is that Israel, with its military superiority, wants to reshape the region based on its political vision and interests – and that could mean more confrontations. Regional states have longstanding fears in this regard.

Expansionist regimes like Saddam’s Iraq and Iran viewed Israel as an obstacle to their regional ambitions and adopted a confrontational stance – even if their rhetoric was always wrapped in the Palestinian cause.

Hamas’ attacks pulled Israel out of its shell and placed it more squarely in the regional equation than ever before. So, is Israel seeking regional coexistence – or does it aim to appoint itself the region’s police?

Everything suggests that Israel wants to be a player in regional politics and conflicts. It could act as a military contractor, a regional actor, or even the leader of an alliance. It has already quickly blocked Iraqi intervention in Syria and Turkish expansion as well.

Netanyahu government’s ongoing appetite for conflict has revived fears of a “Greater Israel” project and ambitions to expand across the region. But the truth is, most of these narratives are pushed by parties involved in the conflict – like Iran, Syria, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the left. Israel may be seeking a dominant role, but geographic expansion seems unlikely. For fifty years, it has remained inward-looking, using its financial, military, and legal capabilities to absorb the territories it occupied in the 1967 war. It is still struggling to hold onto them and has foiled many attempts to return them – either through a Palestinian state or by restoring them to Jordanian and Egyptian administration.

Israel is a small country and will likely remain so, due to the nature of its system that insists on preserving its Jewish identity. Today, 20 percent of its citizens are Palestinian. If it were to annex the occupied territories, Palestinians would make up half the population. That makes the real challenge absorbing the West Bank and Gaza – not expanding. The fear is that Israeli extremists could try to exploit the current chaos for this purpose. This already happened after October, when Hamas’ attacks were used as justification to expel part of the West Bank and Gaza population. This is a real possibility with dangerous consequences.

However, there is exaggeration in the rhetoric pushed by ideologues warning of a so-called Greater Israel – often citing images and articles calling for expansion beyond the Jordan River. These may exist within Talmudic or political narratives, just as some dream of “Al-Andalus” in old Arab-Islamic history. Demographically, Israel is bound by its concept of a Jewish state and fears ethnic dilution – unlike most countries in the region, which were formed through and accepted ethnic and cultural diversity. Israel seeks dominance, but it fears the inevitable demographic integration that comes with occupation.

Politically, the future strategy of the Jewish state – after its recent military victories – remains unclear and may still be taking shape. Regardless of what it wants – whether a peaceful state open to its Arab neighbors or a regional police entangled in constant battles – the region has its own dynamics. Competing and complex factors drive it, and no single power can dominate it.

Polishing Assad dictatorship: Between scoop and ethical code?

Zaman Al Wasl- Hussain Shishakli — Fri, 01 Aug 2025 07:51:00 +0300

The circulating news of a television interview with the head of the Syrian regime, Bashar al-Assad, has sparked a storm of controversy and harsh criticism, particularly from human rights organizations and Syrian activists.

This controversy was not a spur-of-the-moment debate; rather, it is an embodiment of a broader struggle over media ethics and its responsibility in dealing with figures accused of committing the most heinous crimes against humanity. The mere thought of granting a media platform to a figure with such a criminal record is a grave mistake that undermines the very essence of professionalism and ethics.

Perhaps even worse is the promotion of this interview by some as if it were a normal media event, as important as an interview with any other political figure. This promotion contributes to normalizing the idea that perpetrators of war crimes can become talk show guests, blurring the line between victim and executioner.

The fundamental problem with this interview is not the very notion of "interview", but the context in which it is conducted.

Bashar al-Assad is not just a political leader with a different point of view; he is the primary suspect in a long record of crimes that have shocked the human conscience. These crimes include suppressing peaceful protests with live ammunition, using chemical weapons against civilians, and systematically destroying cities, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of thousands under torture and bombardment, and the displacement of millions. Ignoring these horrific facts and granting Assad a "normal" platform to discuss his version of events is, in fact, a blatant political whitewash.

The ethical and professional priority was and still must be to amplify the voices of victims, shed light on human rights violations, and launch fair investigations into the crimes committed. Giving the platform to the executioner instead of the victim is a moral shift and a violation of all professional standards.

In turn, the channel conducting the interview finds itself in a difficult position, facing accusations of seeking media sensationalism at the expense of ethical considerations.

Some may defend the channel's right to conduct any interview, considering it part of press freedom and presenting diverse viewpoints. However, media freedom is not absolute; it must be bound by professional ethics and its responsibility to society.

Professional responsibility requires media outlets not to engage with figures accused of war crimes in a manner that legitimizes them or contributes to whitewashing their image.

This type of interview does not contribute to a deeper understanding of the Syrian crisis as much as it contributes to legitimizing a regime that has committed the most horrific crimes. There is a vast difference between seeking the truth and giving a media platform to a person who represents lies, deception, and murder.

History and horrific facts are sufficient to refute any attempt to whitewash Assad's image. The images of destruction, the poison gases that suffocated children, and the stories of the victims will remain more powerful than any word he could utter. Ultimately, no television interview can erase a history of murder and destruction, and the voice of justice remains louder than any media platform.

No dignity for security forces without preserving citizens dignity

Thu, 31 Jul 2025 10:29:00 +0300

Activating the role of the military police is an urgent requirement, along with the creation of an independent body to monitor the discipline of security and army personnel and scrutinize the files of new recruits to ensure they have not previously served in the security services of the former regime.

This is not impossible, as the state possesses an extensive database containing the names of former members of all security branches, which can be easily accessed.

It is unacceptable for any citizen to be assaulted or insulted by a security officer, even if they have committed a legal violation. There are clear procedures that must be followed before any arrest, beginning with reporting and ending with a court appearance, not with violence or bullying.

These steps are even more important in light of the professional incitement practiced by millions of fake accounts against state institutions, with the aim of undermining trust and inciting chaos.

With this challenge, the need to employ professional officers in training and discipline tasks emerges to ensure the implementation of the rules of "discipline and order" within the ranks of the security forces.

This is a fruitful beginning, when coupled with strict disciplinary and criminal penalties against anyone who violates citizens' dignity or abuses their authority.

Only justice can protect security, preserve the state's prestige, and establish a healthy relationship between citizens and its institutions.

This is a call we hope will resonate with the Minister of Interior, as time is not on anyone's side.

Hussein Shishakli - Zaman al-Wasl