Last week, Moaz Al-Khatib recorded a video in
which he addressed Hizbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah in relation to the
party’s involvement in Syria. Al-Khatib's speech was moving and powerful. But
Al-Khatib seemed convinced that Nasrallah was a virtuous person who could be
dissuaded, through emotive words, from partnering with the Assad regime in
slaughtering Syrians.
On Tuesday, Nasrallah addressed his party’s
involvement in Syria in a Qaddafisque long speech -- major Arabic channels
aired only part of the speech. Nasrallah snubbed Al-Khatib’s calls for
withdrawing forces from Syria, even refraining from mentioning Al-Khatib by
name when he spoke about his peace initiative. He said when the “‘resigned
head” of the National Coalition spoke of a political solution, he was severely
attacked by outside countries and his colleagues. In their videos, both
Al-Khatib and Nasrallah spoke of a catastrophic fitna (sectarian strife) in the
offing but each from his own vantage point.
Nasrallah’s speech is still shrouded with
mystery. There area few points to make about it.
The first one is whether he needed to make
his party’s involvement in Syria so public. The party previously benefited from
denial and vagueness to maintain its image as a non-sectarian resistance party.
His announcement has now made the party nakedly sectarian.
That is a huge development and will change
the way Hizbollah is viewed across the region. Even though Hizbollah had always
been exclusive to Shia members, many in the Arab world showed understanding and
gave the party the benefit of the doubt. I remember a Lebanese Palestinian
friend of mine, in Damascus, saying that Palestinians were urging Hizbollah to
allow them to join its ranks. The idea that Hizbollah is a Shia party that
fought for Lebanese, Palestinians and the Arab world led many to ignore its
ideological background.
The second point is whether the speech
embarrassed the Assad regime. Nasrallah said that his forces are fighting in
two areas, in Homs and Damascus, to protect Shia villages and shrines. He said
that the anti-regime rebels are only few hundred metres away from Zainab
Shrine, in Sayyida Zainab in Damascus. Is the regime weak enough to be unable
to protect Shia shrines? Nasrallah has a point: what if the regime failed to
protect it? what if the rebels decided to enter the shrine and its vicinity to
make it a base for attacking the regime forces in Damascus?
The shrine is certainly a strategic area and
it is part of the rebels’ strategy to close in on the regime’s forces in
Damascus by controlling the two Ghutas
and marching towards the heart of Damascus. The regime would be in a
dilemma if the rebels controlled the shrine or the area surrounding it,
shelling the shrine would enrage his allies, leaving it would help the rebels
to advance well into Damascus. The Shia fighters from Hizbollah and Iraq (and
reportedly Yemen and Maghreb) are also taking part in battles in Damascus and
around it, at least. The idea is to prevent the rebel forces from reaching near
the shrines by pushing them away.
But of course Nasrallah’s claims that his
forces are there to protect the shrines rather than fight for the regime are
not the full story. They are fighting at least in the two most vital areas for
the regime, namely Damascus and Homs.
Another point to make about whether
Nasrallah’s announcement embarrassed the regime. Pro-regime Shabbiha fighters
had been deeply disappointed with the performance of the regime’s leadership
and media. Judging from their recent rhetoric on social media, it is clear they
were disillusioned with the media coverage of the conflict. Also, they are
suffering defeats at the hands of the rebels. Nasrallah’s announcement would
certainly raise their morale, that whatever happens, Shia fighters would not
leave them alone.
Shabbiha look up to Nasrallah’s forces and
would certainly feel a lot better if they knew they were fighting alongside
them. The regime’s leadership knows that and would not mind such statements
emerging from militias’ leaders in Lebanon and Iraq. Iraq’s Hizbollah leader
also made similar announcement and called on “everyone to donate money and arms
and to fight alongside the Syrian government” against what he described as a
“Sufyan’s army” - in reference to a myth that the Hidden Imam would fight an
army in the Levant in the run-up to the end of times. He said that the Free
Syrian Army is the beginning of that mythical army.
The regime’s short-staffed forces led it to
try a few tricks recently, first by trying to enlist young men in a national
army, then by declaring jihad as obligatory on all capable Syrians against the
rebels. It is natural that resorting to Shia fighters to help its forces and
raise their morale would follow.
Hassan Hassan
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