Established by Fathi Ibrahim Bayoud 2005 - Homs

Concealed History of Alawites Before Assad Family Seized Power

Special Reports | 2018-02-05 10:21:35
Concealed History of Alawites Before Assad Family Seized Power
(Zaman Al Wasl)- In the first part of this report, it was noted that the biography of Hawash family, especially the dismissed Colonel Muhammad Aziz Hawash, provides evidence that the coup d'état performed by the three leaders (Omran, Jadid, al-Assad) and then the coup d'état of Hafez al-Assad was against the interests of the Alawites. However, this outcome represents only part of the truth that Hafez al-Assad coup was also a coup on fundamental issues rooted in the Syrian consciousness for decades, especially the issues of "Arab unity" and "the Palestine cause". Both have become taboos and holy causes that no one can discuss or else those who discuss them will be classified as "traitors".

The pretext of the leftist coup leaders was to expel their sect fellow Mohammad Hawash since he does not belong to the working class that they claimed they did the coup to save it. This is how the Alawite “dignitary” became the first victim of the “outcast” Alawite. But this is not the whole story surrounding the dismissal of this officer.

The biography of Colonel Mohammad Aziz Hawash reveals that his dismissal was a message to all those who had contributed to the issues of "Arab unity" and "Palestine", that your time is gone, and that the divorce between theory and practice has become irreversible. The two projects of" Arab unity "and" liberation of Palestine "will be through speech.

According to private information of the biography of Mohammad Hawash, he was appointed as 1st Infantry Division commander, a very sensitive post where he was stationed on Lake Tiberias following his graduation from military college (he was enrolled in 1949). From his post on Lake Tiberias, he supervised clashes with the "Zionist enemy".

During the unification with Egypt, Hawash was assigned to work in Cairo, like many Syrian officers. When the secession broke out, he contradicted his leaders in Syria and so they became angry with him. They held him as a military attaché in the Syrian Embassy in Cyprus. At that time, he was a lieutenant and it was a senior rank back then captain or lieutenant could order, terminate, and make a coup d'état successful).

As the coup of March 8 raised the slogan of swindling the separatists and those who traded the Palestine cause, it was a fact that the coupists would be fair to both the anti-secessionists and those who fought the "Zionist enemy." But the exact opposite happened, and even the destructive coup leaders clamped down on those who supposedly were with the unity and the liberation of Palestine. This is Hawash case where he was frozen in the post of military attaché at the time of the separatists to get expelled later from the entire army under the "enemies of the separatists"! This also reveals another aspect of the March coup and gives a real picture of the goals of the two main players (especially Jadid and al-Assad), but the rest of the participants were only decorative or instant instruments that were quickly disposed.

Although Hawash meets with Hafez in his 1930 birthday and they were close in the years of their graduation from the military academies, and are equal in rank and promotion, and in their assignment to work in Egypt during the days of unity, but they differ in other matters that have made them almost opposing. Hawash underwent an arbitrary dismissal while Hafez al-Assad was promoted arbitrarily from captain to major general. Hafez took the Air Force leadership and then ministry of defense and then presidency in few years.
Thus, with dismissing Hawash, an important representative of one of the most prominent Alawite leaders in the army was excluded. This army, which was the tool of the first coup and their prey at the same time, and Salah Jadid and Hafez Assad agreed on the transformation and monopoly of the army, believing that who owns the army owns everything in Syria, and those who do not have it, do not have anything, even if all the positions of the presidency and the ministry are in their grip.


That’s also how Colonel Hawash, who would have kept Hafez al-as a shadow of him in the army, became a writer and focused largely on historical issues related to Alawite past and Syria's past after he was banned of participating in writing the future of the sect and the country.

Since Hawash was descendant of a family of leaders who had a great deal of knowledge of the Alawites, it facilitated his writing on the history of the Alawites. His presence in France and his proficiency in French was another catalyst, which was added to his knowledge of the French archives of Syria. The huge archive, which in recent years has revealed two highly sensitive documents that may summarize much of the history of the Alawites during the Mandate period, give an idea of the extent to which the Alawites dealt in terms of politics and standard of interests without being bound by what "wise leadership" and “Immortal Leader " deems. This is in regardless of the extent of the right or wrong views of this or that party, as we are here only in the process of comparison between the independence of the Alawite even before the arrival of the destructive coup, and its confiscation of the Alawite decision-making and sealing it with sectarian family (tight exchange) after their arrival.

The independence of the Alawite decision-making crystallized before the arrival of "Jadid and al-Assad" by several factors, including: the large variance of opinions within the community, to the extent that the father signed a document that completely contradicted a document signed by his son, changing positions based on changing circumstances and data. This in conclusion is the essence of politics with all its negatives and positives.

After a decade

In 1926, several leaders of the Alawite entity signed an explicit document known as the "document of independence" or "separatists" in which they expressed their unbridled desire to remain outside the borders of "Muslim Syria." They went even further asking the French government back then Leon Blum to not recognize Syrians’ independence because if it is implemented, the Alawite people and minority groups will be exposed to death and eradication.
The document, which was submerged in provocative terms, was signed by six people, including the dean of al-Assad family (Suleiman) and Aziz Aga al-Hawash (the father of Colonel Muhammad al-Hawash) whose name was printed literally like this ahead of all signatures.

After about 10 years, the Alawites had a date with a different and even contradictory position to the one provided in the 1926 document, which could be literally described as "apostasy". They turned from beggars for the survival of the French mandate and to keep themselves outside the Syrian entity to asking to be linked to Syria. The petition, called the "unitary" document, was signed by dozens of people, including about 50 Alawite representing the community's dignitaries. Among them was Ismail Hawash, the leader of the al-Matawara Tribe, the father of Aziz Agha Hawash who signed before on the "separatists" document.

This extraordinary and powerful change is in essence a political engagement. The Alawites, like any other group, know how to do politics in line with the change of facts and circumstances regardless of the intentions and mysteries that enter the realm of the unseen. knowledge and science.

On the other hand, the politicians of the Syrian interior, some of whom are described as "the fathers of independence", realized their role in the independence of Syria. They realized the deep change in the engagement of the Alawite entity leaders and engaged with them on the basis of it being a political position that should be invested in for the interest of all Syrians. This is what active media outlets documented in that period and covered the transformations in the country, which was not limited to the Alawites, but swept most communities and groups.

-Cannon instead of politics

In that particular period, in particular in the spring of 1936, a delegation of Alawite leaders visited Damascus, where they were welcomed by the "country leaders" who celebrated the "Alawite delegation, according to al-Shaab Newspaper. This perhaps was the event that motivated and provoked Alawite to take the stand they announced in "unitary" document in the summer of the same year.

The newspaper described how Damascus celebrated "the delegation of the top leaders of the Alawite country ... an extraordinary celebration," and how the delegation was welcomed by the country's top politicians: Hashem al-Atassi, Fares al-Khouri, Jamil Mardam Bey, Shukri al-Quwatli, Afif al-Solh and now the demonstrations came out to salute the delegation, whose members included Ismail Bey al-Hawash, and here we focus on every event in which one of the Hawash family takes part, as we took their biography as a measure to demonstrate the Alawites before and after the coup d'état.

In that period, Alawites resolved their position on unity with Syria and declared their uncompromising rejection of separation. It was a purely political matter that was accepted by the country's Syrian leaders - by that term - with political acceptance, and on this basis the Alawites managed to secure a firm and influential foothold in the army, police and parliament after the departure of France, which was supposed to be the godfather of forming the Alawite state. In other words, the Alawite politics ensured their protection and their inclusion in senior positions without clashing with any Syrian of any group and without , shedding blood, but Hafez al-Assad and Jadid-led coup blew up all those gains and turned the political table even on the Alawite community, replacing politics with cannon and tank, and with severe hatred recalling the “victimhood” narratives.

Thus, based on this coup, Hafez al-Assad deserved the title of the destroyer of the Alawites and not their savior. The devotion of the Savior is measured by his ability to recover a stalemated right and to provide the advantages he can to save them without turning their surroundings and turning their friends into opponents and enemies.

This is contrary to what Hafez did. He wasted the gains made by the Alawites by their efforts, and by the same kind of other Syrians and treated them politically. On the other hand, he wasted it in favor of lifting the image of the barbaric Alawite who seizes over everything with force of oppression and force. And by tracking down who does not obey and mute his breath if necessary, and this is what he has done even the community itself.

While the coup found it sufficient to expel Colonel Mohammad Hawash and then dismissed him, it also did not accept other Alawites in the same way especially after Hafez al-Assad seized and monopolized power for himself, just as he did with: Mohammad Omran and Munir al-Ahmad (the son of poet Badawi al-Jabal), Ghazi Kanaan and others. Just like he did with his friend Salah Jadid where he imprisoned him for 25 years and released him a dead body. These are crimes that no one can say that minority or majority groups committed, but they are a brand of Hafez al-Assad who killed Alawites while claiming to save them just like Bashar al-Assad is working to finish them all-existence and politics-wise while he tells them : I only hold to the chair to protect you and prevent your extermination.

Zaman Al Wasl
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