Established by Fathi Ibrahim Bayoud 2005 - Homs

Profile of Assad's man who tried to divert OPCW's Douma chemical probe

Special Reports | 2018-05-02 02:49:00
Profile of Assad's man who tried to divert OPCW's Douma chemical probe
- He called for an agreement that outlaws chemical terrorism 20 years ago, but he added a notable exception.

- From the UN to Brazil, and then the Hague. Undoubtedly A long journey during which he dedicated himself to serve the father and the son.

- In the Netherlands, he found new opportunities to demonstrate his blind loyalty, taking advantage of the ‘National; Committee’ and a newfound relationship with a senior official.

- He performs his duties in the city that houses the court that Russia went over and beyond to shield Assad from it.

The identity of the eyewitnesses whom Russia and the Syrian regime dragged to the Hague to “preform” became a hotly talked-about among Syrians. In what came to be called ‘the chemical facade’, Russia and the Assad regime didn’t spare any literals or figurative to conceal the signs of a crime that have been documented with pictures, videos, and analysis. However, it seems that presenting one tangible evidence that corporate their claims is something that slipped their mind, as all they could bring to the table is merely words upon words.

Some of of the individuals who appeared on the Hague’s podium led by the Assad regime’s and the Russian representatives have appeared on a TV report that the Assad regime’s TV channel aired on the same issue. The Assad regime has been ‘convinced’ since then that the deadly chemical attack on Douma city on April 7 was nothing more than a “facade” and “fabrications” promoted by major states, and executed by the White Helmets.

The accounts provided by the ‘eyewitnesses of the Hague’ were a carbon copy of the regime’s and the Russians’ accounts on the attack, even before meeting those ‘eyewitnesses’ who apparently opted to gamble their lives under the merch of the Assad regime rather than fleeing with the displaced towards the north for a number of considerations, many of which are still blurred and repulsive.

The list of ‘eyewitnesses’ brought by the Russian and Assad regime included workers in the medical field in Douma city who worked previously on treating and aiding the wounded in the formerly rebel-held areas. Those ‘eyewitnesses’ are:

Dr. Mohammad Daoud, Dr. Bassel al-Turk, Dr. Mohammad Mumtaz, Dr. Abir Hawa (female), Dr. Anan al Ba’li, Dr. Bashar Nasrllah, Dr. Mohammad Eyoun, Dr. Ghasan al-Takla, Dr. Yousef Haroun, Dr. Mohammad Diya al Sheikh Bakri, Dr. Yaser Abdul Majid, Dr. Hassan Eyoun, labotrary technican Saeed al Da’as, Khalil al Jeish, Ahmad al-Sa’our, Ahmad Qashoua’, Moufaq al Nisreen, Abdul Rahman Hwjazi, Omar Dyab and his son the child Hasan Dyab.

While the list contains an impressive number of people, all of those seemingly played a decorative role, as they were only asked to make verbal statements that can’t possibly be compared to concrete evidences (pictures, videos, injury samples….) It seems that everything they wanted to say was already known even before they had uttered it. It is widely inconceivable that the Russians or the Assad regime would let any individual whose account on the chemical massacre, or any of the other massacres they have perpetrated in Syria for that matter, would be different from theirs speak to the media without making sure that he fully knows what he has to say word for word.

In light of this, what we are interested in is shedding a light on the ‘Syrian diplomatic’ Ghassan Ibied who appeared on the stage of the Hague to acquit his regime from the chemical weapons and from the heinous “terrorism” which has tainted the rebels and the civil defense, known as the White Helmets.

“Justice” achieved

While this might be the first time Syrians have heard of the name of this diplomat, since it was actually the first time he spoke publicly to voice his opinion on a crucial issue. People who were following with the developments at the Hague might even think that Ibied is a new name that popped up in the Assad regime’s diplomatic personnel. However, Zaman al-Wasl’s verified intelligence suggests otherwise, as this individual who was in charge of the eyewitnesses and chose to sit next to the youngest, the child Hasan, hoping maybe that the innocence of a child’s face can mitigate the ugliness of his web of lies, has actually served the regime for a very long time and has proven his allegiance to the father and the son (Hafez and Bashar Assad) a long time.

Ghassan Ibied, who currently chairs the position of vice-president of the Assad regime’s permanent mission to the CWC, has been among the Assad regime’s ranks since the 90’s, as our intel suggests. He was instated on the UN Sixth Committee (legal).

During that time, Ibied submitted a number of reports that included proposed draft resolutions, including two reports – the first of which was entitled “Measures to Eliminate Global Terrorism”. The report was submitted in the fall of 1997. It should be noted that Zaman al-Wasl has copies of both reports.

In his report, Ibied proposed a number of draft resolutions for adoption by the UN, including an agreement annex that he tried to galvanize the states to sign and approve. The agreement was named “International Agreement to Restrain Terrorist Attacks”, where he proposed to eliminate terrorism using fatal weapons, including chemical weapons. The agreement included provisions on measures that should be enforced to address “terrorist attacks” by the use of deadly weapons, including chemical weapons.

Interestingly enough, Ibied added a very notable exception in the third paragraph of his proposed agreement that reads: “this agreement shall not be applicable to cases where the crime is committed in a sole state, wherein the alleged perpetrator and the victims are citizens of said state.”

On the same date, Ibied submitted a report on “enhancing” the role of the UN that touched upon a number of subjects, where draft resolutions were submitted with regard to those subjects, including one regarding the states affected by the sanction imposed by the Security Council, and another draft resolution on the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, in which Ibied hailed the increasingly important role of the International Criminal Court, proposing that this role should be enhanced further.

During his time with the Assad regime’s mission to the UN, Ibied criticized the matter of imposing sanctions by the very organization with which he works, considering that these sanctions “should not be used unless there was a gross violation of the international law and after all peaceful conflict resolution routes have been exhausted… And that the Security Council should look into the consequences of these sanctions and take into consideration that suffering it brings” upon the citizens of the targeted state.

Subsequently, Ibied was repositioned in Brazil where he assumed the role of permanent consul and chargé with the Syrian mission. He would continue to assume that post when the Syrian revolution broke out (2011), where he spoke to the media there about the “conspiracy” and “terrorism” and the attempts to break “the anti-Israel resistance axis”. He also took part in the various events organized by the Assad regime supporters in Brazil, events that were merely apologist statements to justify the survival of the Assad regime at the cost of killing the innocent. 

After serving in Brazil for years, the regime chose Ibied for another mission at another place, as he became the vide-president of the Assad regime’s mission to the CWC, which is headed by Bassam al Sabbagh.

In the Hague, where the mission operates, Ibied found new opportunities to blindly support the regime throughout the Netherlands, taking advantage of his relationships with an entity called “National Committee for Syrian Expatriates in the Netherlands” – basically a gathering of the most hardline Assad regime apologists in the country where the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court are located. The latter, specifically, is the one that Bashar has managed, so far, to avoid under a lasting Russian cover.

Not only did Ibied utilize the National Committee, which is headed by Malek Samuel – known for his Assadist and sectarian allegiances and intelligence-related activities, but he also took advantage of a position that enables him to do favors for a very major official at the Assad regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Zamad al-Wasl shall shed the light on these services and their implication at the proper time.

The major opportunity that presented itself for Ibied was the timing of his appointment which came at a time when the Assad regime had to face the ramifications of using chemical weapons, which gave him extra credit as he played the role of the unyielding warrior, utilizing his expertise in international law and international organizations and the art of prolonging these cases.

Lastly, there is a minor, yet significant, aspect of Ibied’s life. Namely, working as a lawyer in a Canadian city in Ontario province after acquiring his doctorate from University of Montpellier in France where he presented a thesis on “calculating price in international contracts”.

In his thesis, Ibied shed light on the special status of financial provisions in international contracts, emphasizing that calculating prices in such contracts is an important element during negotiations on transactions with large shares. This meaty thesis encapsulates to a large extent the essence of the mission that Ibied had preformed over the past years – a mission that he is still preforming, as it has taken him recently to the stage of the Hague. 

Zaman Al Wasl- Ethar Abdul Haq
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